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CONTRIBUTIONS 



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PENNSYLVANIA HISTORY. 



Wyoming Massacre of 1763. 

Old Paxtang Church. 

A Soldier of the Revolution. 



WILLIAM HENRY EGLE, M. I). 



HAIIRLSBURG, PA. 

IIAKKI^BL'ltli I'VBMSHlNii roMPANY. 
1890. 



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THE 

FIRST INDIAN MASSACRE 



VALLEY OF WYOMING, 



FIFTEENTH OCTOBER, 1763. 



An Address Delivered at the Wyoming 
Monument on July 3, 1889, by 

WILLIAM HENRY EGLE, M. D. 



HARRISBURG, PA. 

HARRISBUEG PCBLI8HIN0 COMPANY. 
1890. 



il-loHiC 



S. J. 

To the Memory of him, 
Who, in History's Cause, 
Sought out the Truth, 
And right royally gave. 



PREFATORY NOTE. 



The Paper which follows was hastily prepared for 
the Wyoming Anniversary held at Forty Fort, on the 
3d of July, 1889. Owing to the views expressed being 
so widely different from those held by the historians 
of Wyoming, it was not received with that candor 
manifested by the writer in its preparation. While 
some of those who heard it read, deemed it " defiant," 
portions of the newspaper press persisted in misrepre- 
senting the facts stated. As a lover of the history and 
people of Wyoming, there was no desire to distort 
anything, and no one appreciated this more than that 
generous soul who has passed out from among men. 
What had been said was pondered well by him, and 
after faithful research, he came upon information which 
to him was convincing. The first intimation had, 
was a letter of the date of 25th December, 1889, which 
in part, reads : 

" In looking over my grandfather's papers, I came 
across some pieces of paper much worn, which I had 
the curiosity to pick out and put together until I got 
one half of the document that could be read together. 
Its looks impressed me with the idea of its having 
been read much and worn in the handling. The con- 
tents were somewhat novel to me, and proved to be just 
what we both had long been seeking, the solution of the 
massacre of 15th October, 17G3. As it is in my grand- 
father's handwriting, I cannot go back on it, for I have 
always found him })erfectly truthful. The tenor of the 



(6) 

paper is a succinct history of the first attempts at settle- 
ment at Wyoming, the hinderances met with, etc., be- 
ginning at the beginning and coming down till after 
the decree of Trenton. The story as told confirms your 
theory, and hence I suppose you are ready to approve 
its correctness. I reserve the right to make it public 
at our next meeting at the monument." 

Replying promptly to Mr. Jenkins' very kind letter, 
subsequently the following was received : 

" The document of my grandfather is not lengthy, 
and is of importance only as it sets forth that the mas- 
sacre of 15th October, 1763, was done by the savages. 
Having made the mistake of suggesting that it was 
quite as possible that it was done by the forces under 
Clayton and Elder, whom you endeavored to free from 
the crime in your address, I desire to present the case 
in its true light by giving full force and effect to your 
history and arguments in support of your theory, clos- 
ing with the fact that we now have the most positive 
proof that it was done by the savages, and not by the 
Pennamites. I prefer this course in vindication of my- 
self, and not of you, /or you need none.'' 

This document, perchance unsatisfactory, written by 
the grandfather of our friend, is given in connection 
with the address. With it, through the courtesy of the 
Rev. David Craft, the deposition of Parshall Terry is 
presented. 

In addition, after considerable inquiry, it was found 
that a copy of the " Narration," written by one of the 
captives of that massacre, printed in 1767, and which 
not one of the historians of Wyoming had ever seen, 
was in existence, and a cop}'' secured. It also is given 



(7) 

herewith, more on account of its rarity than the light 
shed upon that bloody transaction. It is hoped that 
this pamphlet will therefore be accepted as an earnest 
and honest contribution to the History of the Valley 
of Wyoming. 



THE FIRST MASSACRE AT WYOMING. 



Friends of Wyoming : I do not know what could 
have induced your Committee to invite me to take 
part in the exercises of this Memorial Day of "fair 
Wyoming," and furthermore, why I should have at 
the last moment accepted it, when another and an 
abler one is upon your printed programme to give the 
Historical Address. It is an old saying that " he who 
hesitates is lost," and it was eitlier yes or no promptly, 
and so I am here, to greet you all on this mid-summer 
day, in the inspiring hope that what I have to say 
will be calmly weighed ere harsh judgment be given. 

I see around me the representatives of those lion- 
hearted men whose history reads more like a romance 
than a tragic reality. They are more familiar with 
the events, the traditions, and the folk-lore of this 
beautiful valley, aye their whole lives are imbued with 
its history, and I marvel much why the descendant of 
a pioneer Swiss-Huguenot settler from interior Pennsyl- 
vania should be induced to endeavor if possible to 
interest, if he does not entertain, you for a brief space 
of time. 

I am a Pennsylvanian in the broadest acceptation of 
that term. I do not covet descent from the turbulent 
Connecticut Yankee, the shrewd and avaricious disciples 
of Penn, the plodding German, or tlie pugnacious 
Scotch-Irish, and yet there are traits in all these 
to be admired, to be honored, and which go to make 
up our great Pennsylvania family — a State never yet 
understood by those who are not of it, or who, pre- 



(10) 

judiced b}' descent, parade their own ancestral greiit- 
ness and belittle that of others. A true Pennsylvanian 
rises above all this. He sees clearly what has made 
the greatest Commonwealth among the Union of States 
— that the characteristics of one class so dovetails into 
the other that harmony and grandeur is the result. 
And so, my friends, I have come here to-day with 
the patriotic impulses of a good Pennsylvanian, humbly 
to lay before you my tribute to Wyoming. 

The history of this valley is familiar to you all. 
Chapman, and Miner, and Pearce, a trio of honored 
names, have repeated its story, and no writer in the 
ages to come can dwell upon the incidents of the past, 
without recognizing their untold services to its his- 
torical literature. And yet, you and I can see that 
in every instance, whatever in your history was not 
accomplished by the Connecticut Yankee — however 
brave and heroic the act — however frightful the deso- 
lation, and terrible the suffering, — were f;ir from being 
appreciated. The causes of all misfortune were laid at 
the door of those who luere not of Connecticut. JNIy 
friends, you have done great injustice to those who be- 
friended Wyoming in her hour of need, and I plainly 
tell you so. This is exemplified in the account given 
in the massacre of the first pioneer settlers at Wyoming 
— the only subject of your history to which I shall 
fully allude. 

This day and hour, and yonder monument, recall to 
mind the awful tragedy of 1778. Of the dreadful de- 
struction which swept over Wyoming, it is not my 
province at this time to enter upon. Neither is it my 
intention to take the part of either Connecticut or 



(11) 

Pennsylvania in the great controversy which ensued, 
upon the claims the former set up, and which for one- 
third of a century brought strife and bloodshed where 
peace and harmony should have reigned. Others more 
familiar with the events of that sad July day have given 
the world its history, and there is no more tearful story 
of woe and desolation than that which then befell this 
beautiful valley. 

A prior incident, however, in the history of Wyoming 
claims our attention for a few brief moments to-day, 
and it is well to carefully look over the records of the 
past, now and then, to correct errors in the light of new 
facts, and smooth over the rough outlines of set tradi- 
tion. 

In the latter part of the year 1762, and the early 
spring of 1763, some twenty families from Connecticut 
settled upon lands claimed by the Susquehanna Com- 
pany of that colony. We are not here to inquire by 
what right these settlers came. Their new-foundland 
was one of peace. Their first summer had been one of 
prosperity — the crops promised an abundant yield — 
and the enterprising backwoodsmen looked forward to 
a season of quiet happiness. 

" Not full the measure of domestic peace 

To them, the forest turning into fields ; 
Not theirs from boding fears to find release, 

Or sleep the sleep for which fatigue appeals ; 
Their sweating labor winning slow increase 

Of j)romis'd store the furrow'd soil reveals ; 
For, night by night, the settler's fireside group 
May, ringing in their ears, wake to the prowler's 
whooj). 



(12) 

'^' From mountain slope, or copse, or reedy sedge, 
From hazel clump or alder's cov'ring shade. 

With reeking knife, and ire of keener edge. 
And willing hand to drive the piercing blade ; 

And glitt'ring eyes that bitter deeds presage, 
Gairish in pomp of rudest taste display'd, 

The Iroquois, with hellish hate imbued. 

Would glut on helpless babes his savage thirst for 
blood. 

" Who yet with the authentic pen has shed 
The light of truth historic on this race ? 

Orim Torture's sons ! — wielding the hatchet red. 
Firing the splints thrust into breast and face ; 

Stripping with gory blade the captive's head. 
Of that fair crown a Maker put in place. 

For lengthen'd ages, but one Nero sprung ; 

These, each and all alike, spare neither old nor 
young." 

The Six Nations Indians, always treacherously in- 
clined, made serious complaints to the Provincial 
authorities of Pennsylvania regarding the Connecticut 
people for having settled upon land luhich had not been 
purchased from them. At first little notice was taken of 
the matter, but again and again the complaints were 
repeated. In obedience thereto, and to conciliate the 
Indians, Gov. Hamilton issued a proclamation which 
reads as follows : 

" A Proclamation.— Whereas, divers Persons, the 
natural born subjects of His Majesty, belonging to 
some of the Neighbouring Colonies have, without any 
License or Grant h'om the Honourable the Proprietaries 



(13) 

of this Province, or Authority from this Government,,, 
made several Attempts, in Bodies, to possess them- 
selves of & settle upon a large Tract of Land within 
the limits of this Province, not yet purchased from tlie 
Indians, lying at and between Wyoming, on the River 
Susquehanna, and Cushietunck, on the River Delaware, 
and in the upper parts of Northampton County ; and 
have also endeavoured to persuade and inveigle many 
of the inhabitants of this and neighboring Provinces 
to confederate and join with them in such their illegal 
and dangerous Designs, and to assist in settling & 
holding the said Lands b}^ strong hand ; And Whereas,, 
the Delawares and other Tribes of Indians who reside 
within that Tract of Countiy between Wyoming and 
Cushietunck, and also the Six Nations Indians, have, as 
well at public Treaties as at divers other Times, re- 
peatedly made Complaints and Remonstrances to me 
against the said Practices and Attempts & in the most 
earnest manner requested & insisted that the said In- 
truders should be removed by the Government ta 
which they belonged, or by me, & declared if this was 
not done the Indians would come & remove them by 
Force, and do themselves Justice ; but desired that the- 
said intruders might be previously acquainted there- 
with, that they might not pretend ignorance; And 
Whereas, notwithstanding I have already issued twO' 
Proclamations, viz : the first dated in February 1761, 
and the second dated the 10th day of September fol- 
lowing, to apprize the said intruders of their danger,, 
and to forbid their settling on the said Lands, and 
strictly enjoining & requiring in His Majesty's Name, 
all those who had presumed to settle on any part. 



(14) 

thereof, immediately to depart & move away from the 
same ; yet I have lately received Information and fresh 
Complaints from the said Indians that divers Persons 
in contempt of such my several Proclamations, and 
the Threats of the Indians, do still persist in their said 
Design, and are now actually settling on divers parts 
of the said Lands about Wyoming and Cushietunck. 
'' Wherefore, as well to continue my endeavours to 
preserve the peace and friendship which is now so 
happily restored and subsisting between us and the 
Indians, and to prevent the mischievous and terrible 
•consequences of their carrying into execution such their 
threats, from which I am greatly apprehensive the In- 
dians cannot any longer be restrained, if the said in- 
truders shall not immediately relinquish their designs 
of settling the said lands, as also again to warn any 
of the inhabitants of this Province from being unwarily 
drawn in to join the said intruders in such their unjust 
designs of making settlements in the said Indian coun- 
tr}', I have judged it proper, before an}^ force shall be 
used against the said intruders, by and with the ad- 
vice of this Council, to issue this my Third Proclama- 
tion, hereby again strictly subjoining and requiring in 
His Majesty's name, all and every person and persons 
already settled and residing on the said lands, (Indians 
excepted,) immediately to depart and move away from 
the same. And do hereby forbid all His Majesty's Sub- 
jects of this or any other Province or Colony, on any 
pretence whatsoever, to intrude upon, settle or possess 
any of the said Lands or any other Lands within the 
Limits of this Province, not yet purchased of the In- 
dians, as they will answer the contrary at their Peril, 



(15) 

and on pain of bein*:^ immediately prosecuted with the 
utmost Rigor of the Law. And hereby also restricting, 
charging, enjoining & requiring all Sheriffs, Magis- 
trates, Peace Officers, and all other His Majesty's liege 
People within this Province, to exert themselves and 
use their utmost Endeavours to prosecute and bring to 
Justice & condign Punishment, all Offenders in the 
Premises." 

(Signed) "James Hamilton." 

It is true that his Excellency, two years before, when 
the lands in Wyoming were being surveyed, issued the 
said proclamations, yet these were probably not placed 
in possession of the members of tlie Connecticut Sus- 
quehanna Company. The authorities of Northampton 
county, by direction of the Governor, it is presumed, 
notified the settlers, who answered, "that they claimed 
under the Connecticut government and an Indian pur- 
chase, and that they would hold their lands until it 
was decided by the highest authority in whom the true 
title was vested." 

Gov. Hamilton represented the case to the Governor 
of Connecticut, as well as to Sir William Johnson, his 
majesty's superintendent of Indian affairs. We hear 
nothing further until the Lancaster conference with 
the Six Nations Indians in August, 1762, when the 
Governor alluded to the Indian sale of lands at Wy- 
oming. In reply, Thomas King, an Oneida chief, 
" without consulting any of the other chiefs," so reads 
the record, " rose up and spoke:" 

"Brother: It is ver}'^ well known that the Land was 
sold by the Six Nations; some are here now that 
sold that land; it was sold for Two Thousand Dol- 



(ir;) 

lars, but it was not sold by our Consent in publick 
Council; it ivas as it ivere stolen from us. Some people 
said that m}^ name was to it, on which I went down 
immediately to Connecticut to see whether it was or 
not, and found it was not; I brought a paper back 
from Connecticut, which I shall shew to the Governor. 
Had I not gone down to Connecticut, the Lands would 
have been all settled up to Wyomink as far as Awicka, 
Twelve miles on this side of Chenango." 

Almost a year elapsed before the Governor issued 
the proclamation just read in 3'our hearing, and it is 
doubted if he would even then have issued it, preferring 
to leave its adjustment to Sir William Johnson had 
not the pressure of the Quaker Assembly been brought 
to bear, and he was thus compelled to do that which 
he did not believe was perchance proper under the 
circumstances. This was followed up the month fol- 
lowing by voluminous instructions to Col. James Burd, 
commanding the Provincial forces at Fort Augusta, 
[Sunbury,] and Thomas McKee, a well known and in- 
fluential Indian trader on the Susquehanna. Here 
they are : 

" I have lately received Intelligence with fresh Com- 
plaints from the Indians at Wyoming, that the Con- 
necticut People still persist in prosecuting their Scheme 
of settling the Lands about Wj'oming, and at & about 
Cushietunck ; And with the advice of the Council, I 
have thought it proper to issue a third Proclamation 
on that occasion, & to desire that you will immediately 
take a journey to Wyoming, with such assistance as 
you shall judge proper to take along with you, and use 
your best endeavours to pursuade or drive away all 



(17) 

the White People that you shall find settled, or about 
to settle there, or on any lands not yet purchased from 
the Indians. 

" Before you shew yourself amongst them, you will 
gain all the Information and Light you can into their 
Designs, what their numbers are, & learn the names of 
as many as you can ; where settled, or about to settle; 
What numbers (and from whence) they expect to join 
them. 

" On your arrival amongst them, you will convene 
the heads of them, & after reading the Proclamation, 
expostulate with them about the injustice, Absurdity 
and Danger of their attempting to settle there, and let 
them know that I expect and require of them by you, 
that they shall all immediately Depart and quit their 
Settlements and if the^^ shall agree to go away peacea- 
bly. You will then after their departure, see all their 
Buildings and Improvements destroyed ; and in case 
they refuse to comply, You will then acquaint them 
that they may rest assured that besides the danger they 
may be in from the resentment of the Indians, this 
Government will never permit them to continue there; 
and that therefore it would be most advisable for them 
to return peaceabl}^ to their own Country, & desist en- 
tirely from their design of making any more Settle- 
ments there. 

" If you find these Expostulations and persuasive 
means shall not succeed, & that you can do it without 
danger of Resistance from a Superior Force, and risque 
of Bloodshed (which by no means hazard) I would 
have you, either by Stratagem or Force, to get three or 
four of the ringleaders, or others of them, a[)prehended 



(18) 

an(] carried to the Goal at Lancaster, sending with them 
a proper force & Mittimus under your hands & Seals, 
there to wait my further orders. 

" And if that cannot be done, you will endeavor to 
get the names of as many of them as you can, in order 
that they may be prosecuted at Law, and further meas- 
ures taken with them, as shall at your Return be judged 
most proper. For this end I liave armed you with a 
special Commission, constituting you JMagistrates of the 
Counties of Northampton, Berks, and Lancaster, but I 
imagine, the Lands where they are settling must be in 
Northampton County. 

" You will please keej) a Journal of your Proceed- 
ings, and on your return report the same to me in 
writing under your hands, with an Account of your 
Expences, that orders may be given for the discharge 
thereof." 

As mentioned with reference to the former proclama- 
tions, it is doubtful if any of the settlers saw or heard 
of the official document of the Governor, inasmuch as 
it is not upon record that Col. Burd or Mr. McKee ever 
went upon their errand, in obedience to their instruc- 
tions. Just here, let me say, that Mr. Miner, who fol- 
lows Mr., Chapman, makes a statement which is far 
from correct. It was that Colonel James Boyd, on be- 
ing " ordered by Governor Hamilton to repair to Wy- 
oming, found the valley abandoned by the Indians, 
who had scalped those they had killed and carried 
away their captives and plunder. The bodies of the 
slain lay strewed upon the field and Colonel Boyd, hav- 
ing caused them to be decently interred, withdrew with 
his detachment down the river." The facts are tliat 



(19) 

Colonel James Burd, who is undoubtedly the person 
alluded to as Colonel James Boyd, did not reach Wy- 
oming prior to the terrible calamity which befell the 
Connecticut settlers during the autumn of that year. 

As previousl}' stated, it was the Six Nations Indians 
who made complaint, not the Delawares. These find- 
ing their complaints unheeded, determined, as is the 
case generally with desperate characters, to take the 
matter into their own hands. The marauding party 
had made their way down the West Branch of the 
Susquehanna river some distance from the fort at 
Shamokin, unperceived, where the Provincial troops 
were guarding the frontiers, and crossing the river at 
the mouth of the Juniata near Clark's Ferry moved east 
until they reached the lovely Kittatinny valley through 
the gap in the North mountain at Manada creek. 
Here they committed many murders, destroyed much 
property, secured a large number of scalps, and then 
quickly escaped through the Toliheo, now the Indian- 
town gap, thus eluding the vigilance of the scouts 
ranging along the base of the mountain, until they 
found their way into the Wyoming valley. Here the 
Connecticut settlers were quietly and peaceably pur- 
suing their avocations. In an unguarded hour most 
of the inhabitants lost their lives or were taken into 
captivity, while their cabins and stock were committed 
to the flames. 

A thrilling narrative of this bloody affair (the first 
massacre in the Valley) was i)ublished by one of the 
survivors, after his escape from captivit}'', and neither 
at that time or at any other period until the first his- 
torian began to make up the history of this locality, 



(20) 

was there even an intimation that this traged}'' was 
inaugurated, plotted, or even approved of by the Penn- 
sylvania authorities. The infamous transaction was 
conceived, planned, and carried out by those infernal 
red savages from New York, the Cayugas and Oneidas. 
The Delawares and Shawanese, especiallv the latter, 
with all their intrigue, treachery, and bloodthirstiness, 
would gladly have been the willing instruments, in 
this indiscriminate slaughter, if but "the sign" had 
been given. The " untutored savage " of America has 
left many a bloody page upon our histor}^ and I have 
no "sentimentalism " for him. From the massacre of 
Commissary Osset's colony on the Delaware, in 1631, 
until the last Indian war-whoop upon the waters of the 
Allegheny, in 1791, the aborigine has written his name 
in blood-hideous characters never to be effaced. 

At this crisis. Col. John Elder, the revered Minister 
of Paxtang and Derry, who held a commission in the 
Provincial service, and commanded a battalion of 
Rangers east of the Susquehanna, between the North 
and the South mountains, although he had previously 
requested permission, which was refused by the pro- 
prietary governor, to send a body of scouts into the 
Indian country, the deadl}^ work of the savages in his 
own neighborhood left no alternative at this time, and 
he pushed forward a force of eighty soldiers and vol- 
unteers, under command of Major Asher Clayton, in 
hot pursuit of the fugitives. Fleet of foot they were, 
but the red demons of the forest were far upon their 
retreat northward. From their situation at Fort 
Hunter, on the Susquehanna, five miles above Harris- 
burg, the company of Rangers made rapid way along 



(21) 

and over the mountains, hoping to head off the Indians 
who it seems had entered the Wyoming valley just 
two days before their arrival. In the language of one 
of Wyoming's poets, elsewhere quoted, (Caleb E. 
Wright,) 

"The housewife o'er her task is bent, 
The artless children all at play ; 
When through the door in fierce array 
Rushes the hideous visitant ; — 
Wolves less intent upon their prey ! — 
The peaceful throngs of other climes 
Beneath the banner of the law. 
In hearing of the welcome chimes 
That saints to sweet communion draw; 
May vainly judge the dark abyss, 
Whelming the soul in hours like this. 
Not mother's prayer nor infant's cr}^. 
Nor wail in brutal clutch, avails ; 
The cord that knits humanity, 
That love that over all prevails, — 
The love which on the fatal tree 
Set crime from condemnation free, 
A passion is of Heav'nly grace, — 
Tliat in the savage has no place." 

Thus in one fell hour the settlement was wiped out 
of existence. 

It was a sickening sight which met the eyes of these 
scouts. Many of them had lost relatives and friends 
at the hands of the savages, and they were eager to 
pursue them to their very cabins on the lakes. But 
such a course would have resulted disastrously. 



(22) 

No better description is needed of what they saw 
there, than is found in the Pennsylvania Gazette, Num- 
ber 1818, for October 27, 1763. It is an extract from a 
letter dated at Paxtang, Lancaster county, October 23, 
1763: 

"Our })arty under Captain Clayton is returned from 
Wyoming, where they met no Indians, but found the 
New Englanders, who had been killed and scalped a 
day or two before they got there. They buried the 
Dead, nine Men and one Woman, who had been most 
cruelly butchered ; the Woman was roasted, and had 
two Hinges in her Hands, supposed to have been put in 
red hot; and several of the Men had Awls thrust into 
their Eyes, and Spears, Arrows, Pitchforks, &c., sticking 
in their Bodies. The}^ burned what Houses the Indians 
left, and destroyed a Quantity of Indian Corn. The 
Enemy's tracks were up the River towards Wigijalous- 
Ing." 

For this act of burning the remaining cabins of the 
Connecticut settlers, and destroying the fields of corn 
left standing, your Wyoming historians have not failed 
to denounce it as unmerciful and villainous. It may ap- 
pear so, and yet an unprejudiced mind, under no cir- 
cumstance would impute the act to any other motive 
but that ascribed — of preventing the same from fall- 
ing into the hands of the enemy, for surely it would 
have furnished a magazine of food to the murderous 
and marauding. The men who led the party were not 
of that class who had lost all the dictates of humanity. 
They were merciful and kind — whatever the provoca- 
tion. It w^as done to prevent the return of the Con- 
necticut settlers, some say, but in that sanguinary hour 



(23) 

this would liave had little weight, the Connecticut or 
Pennsylvania claim was never taken into consideration 
at such a time — for the shocking sight moved the brave 
Rangers to tears. The Scotch-Irish frontiersman who 
comj^osed this band of scouts were not to be influ- 
enced by Quaker clamor or Proprietary misrule. From 
their very first settlement in Penns3dvania dowai to the 
present year of grace, Anno Domini 1889, they are the 
same humane people, yet as determined and fearless as 
the Kittatinn}'' Mountains which looked down upon 
their backwoods homes. There are attributes in the 
Scotch -Irish make-up which have entered largely into 
these notable characteristics of Pennsylvania manhood- 

And who were these men? 

In a letter which Charles Miner, your great histo- 
rian, wrote, subsequent to the appearance of his history, 
speaking of the Rev. John Elder, he held this lan- 
guage: 

"I am greatly struck with the evidences of learning, 
talent, and spirit displayed by the Rev. Mr. Elder. He 
was beyond doubt the most extraordinary man of early 
Pennsylvania history. . . . He was certainly a 
very extraordinary man, of most extensive influence — 
full of activity and enterprise, learned, pious, and a 
ready writer. I take him to have been of the old 
Cameronian blood. Had his lot been cast in New 
England lie would have been a leader of the Puritans. 
If I ever publish another edition of my ' Wyoming,' I 
will endeavor to do justice to him. I hope some one 
may draw up a full memoir of his life, and a narra- 
tive, well digested, of his times." 

Of Major Asher Clayton I trust I may be permitted 



(24) 

to say a word. He was one of the most prominent 
officers of the French and Indian war — was of a good 
family, an excellent soldier, a noble-hearted and Chris- 
tian gentleman. He would have abhorred an unkind 
or indecent act as one would shrink from a deadly rep- 
tile. 

It has been intimated that Captain Lazarus Stewart 
was there — he who fell at the fore-front of battle on 
that dark day of July, 1778. But he was not ! No 
man has been more villified or maligned than that 
brave yet perchance injudicious officer. Fear w^as not 
in his make up. But I come not to praise this Caesar 
of yours. 

And now, my friends, permit me to digress for a few 
moments, and refer briefly to certain portions of an 
address delivered by the learned Editor of the Philadel- 
phia " Press,'' at the commencement of Union College, 
Schenectady, on June 20, wherein he said : 

" In 1784, a great flood swept the teeming valley of 
the Susquehanna, carrying death, havoc, and destruc- 
tion on its tumultuous bosom. Untold anguish, sufl'er- 
ing, and starvation followed. The Legislature was 
urged to send relief to the hapless sufferers, but they 
w^ere Yankees from Connecticut, and it was stolidly 
deaf to their piteous cries. Nay more, it seized the 
opportunity to proscribe them as tresspasers, and, with 
a barbarity that is almost beyond belief, the horrors of 
a military scourge were added to the blight of nature's 
calamity, and many escaped the terrors of the flood 
only to perish by the more cruel sword or to become 
victims of the not more savage wolves of the forest to 
which they were driven." 



(25) 

Now, as veritable Pennsylvanians, as I know you all 
are, let lis see how much of truth there is in this state- 
ment. Under the decree of Trenton, the Pennsylvania 
Commissioners repaired to Wyoming with instructions 
to inquire " into the cases of the settlers, and to encour- 
age, as much as possible, reasonable and friendly com- 
promises between the parties claiming," and that it 
was " highl}^ improper that any proceedings at law 
should be had for the recovery of any lands or tene- 
ments during the said inquiry." It was also provided 
that "all further proceedings be stayed." The chair- 
man of this commission was the Rev. Joseph Mont- 
gomery, an alumnus of the College of New Jersey and 
also of Yale, a Presbyterian clergyman, and a member 
of the Confederated Continental Congress. No abler 
man could have been sent on this peace-errand, but he 
was on the side of Pennsylvania, and the leaders of the 
settlers made light of the commissioners. Unfor- 
tunately, the Pennsylvania claimants, who were wholly 
residents of Philadelphia, had a shrewd and unscrupu- 
lous attorney. Captain Alexander Patterson — and to 
him the commissioners gave ear. As a result, little 
was accomplished, and the commissioners in August,, 
1783, reported their failure to the General Assembly. 
That body seems at the time to have been under the 
influence of the Philadelpliia land-owners, and such 
action was taken by them as was in consonance with 
the suggestions and views of Patterson. Two compa- 
nies of State troops were sent to Wyoming ostensibly 
for protection against the Indians when there were 
none in arms. 

In the spring of 1784, following these unfruitful 



(26) • 

labors, there was a terrible ice flood in the Susque- 
hanna, which, although destructive of many of the 
buildings and fences of the settlers, only one life was lost. 
It was not a Conemaugh cataclysm. 

President Dickinson, true to the instincts of his 
nobility of manhood, sent this brief message to the 
Assembly : 

"Gentlemen : The late inundation having reduced 
many of the inhabitants at Wyoming to great dis- 
tress, we should be glad if your honorable House 
would be pleased to make some immediate provision 
for their relief. 

(Signed) John Dickinson. 

''Phila., March 31, 1784.. 

"Ordered to lie on the table." 

Of course, nothing was done by that illustrious (?) 
hod}^ and it was left to the charitable inhabitants of 
the adjoining counties to send relief. And this was 
fortiicoming — Lancaster, and Berks, and Cumberland, 
contributed flour and grain — and the necessities of the 
Wyoming people were relieved. 

Now for the next statement. Under orders by irre- 
sponsible parties, the troops at Wyoming, in May fol- 
lowing, began to carry out a system of eviction against 
the Connecticut settlers. The poor people, driven from 
their houses, were well on their way to the Delaware, 
when the State authorities put a stop to these high- 
handed outrages, and the settlers were persuaded to 
return to their former homes. I have not words strong 
■enough to denounce this outrage, yet I could not with 
.all the polish of rhetoric or eloquence of the orator 
referred to, have had such a poor opinion of this 



(27) 

dear old Commonwealth to have proclaimed this 
upon the house-tops. Not one perished by the sword. 

And so I close. If I have come into contact with 
those who have held to thread-bare tradition, if the 
facts I have briefly presented should fail to convince 
them that I am correct — unlike the red demon of the 
forest of a century or more agone, I shall not delight to 
have their scalps hanging to my belt, but will leave them 
to their own reflections. The few brief hours allowed 
me for preparation have so crowded thought, without 
the privilege of proper elucidation, that what I have said 
may appear to be unsatisfactory. An historical address 
requires time, care, research, and above all conciseness. 
If what I have said has any merit, it is brevity. And 
yet I cannot lay aside these few leaflets, without ten- 
dering my hearty congratulations to the peo})le of this 
favored valley, so rich and yet so sad with historic in- 
cident; and you people of Wyoming do well, in coming 
here upon the anniversary of this memorial day of 
yours to offer your votive wreaths at the place where 
lie your dead. They died that you might live. They 
have left this heritage to you and your children. And 
yet not yours, but that of the people of Pennsylvania 
in general. 

You people of Wyoming are too selfish — you have 
closely garnered up your chosen history, claiming it as 
your own birth-right — scarcely permitting any one to 
share with you in honoring or revering the memories 
of those who fell upon this fated field. For the true- 
hearted Pennsylvanian of whatever descent, I claim a 
part. The Scotch-Irish, the German, and Swiss-Hu- 
guenot, would take as much interest in your sad his- 



(28) 

tory as the descendants of the Connecticut Yankees, 
but you would not. You have wrapped yourselves up 
in your own selfish pride of birth, and ignored the sym- 
pathy of your fellow-citizens in other portions of the 
great State we rejoice to be natives of. Let it be other- 
wise in the years to come. Let all the sons of Pennsyl- 
vania know that they are welcome here, welcome to 
your history, welcome to all the hallowed memories of 
this lovely valley. It will be better for all — for if there 
is one thing above all others common in this grand old 
Commonwealth of ours — it is its history — its dark and 
light pages — its sunshine and its gloom — yet noble 
from its beginnings, and triumphant down through its 
more than two centuries of prosperity and happiness. 



APPENDIX. 



THE MEMORIAL. 



[This memorial to the Assembly of Pennsylvania 
is imperfect, and, where we are not satisfied as to the- 
exact wording, the blank has been left between the 
brackets. It has been deemed proper, however, to give 
it in full, from the fact that it was the document alluded 
to by Mr. Jenkins.] 

" The Hon'ble The '[Repre]sciitatives of the Freemen of 
[the CommoniucaltJi o/] Pennsylvania in Gtii'l Assembly 
met : 

The petition and address of John [Franklin, and 
John Jenkins] In behalf of themselves and others 
their Constituents [Inhabitants] Settlers and Claim ers 
of Lands in that Territory [situated on the] Waters of 
the River Susquehanna under the claim [of Connecti- 
cut,] Most Respectfully sheweth : 

That in the year 1754 a large number of the 
Inh[abitants of] Connecticut (having obtained the con- 
sent of the [Assembly) made a] Bona-fide purchase of 
the Six Nations of Indi[ans, of all the] Country on the 
Waters of the River Susquehanna [situated] East of the 
N. East branch of said River extending [six miles East] 
and Twenty Miles West, the whole Breadth of the [42nd 
Degree of] Latitude, lor a valuable Consideration paid 
them, [the aforesaid] Indians gave them a good and 
ample de[ed for the same] According to the [ ] 

to be fully with [ ] Connecticut gra[nt ] a 

subsequent gra[nt in the] the Name of the Sus- 

quehanna company ; and in 1755 proceeded to Locate 



(32) 

and survey valuable lands on the North East Branch 
of the said River; That in 1762 a large number of 
Proprietors takes possession of said land for themselves 
and their associates and makes large improvements 
thereupon. Dispossessed by the Savages in October, 
1763 ; that in 1769 upwards of four hundred again 
reasumed there possessions and were increasing for a 
Number of successive years, among which Proprietors 
and settlers were your Petitioners and those wdiom we 
Represent, regulated by the Laws of the Colony of 
■Connecticut, Planted ourselves and famileys, subdued 
the Rugged wilderness to a state of Maturity. 

That at the Commencement of the late War we had 
become very numerous and populous. Extended our 
settlements nearly the whole breadth of the 42 Degree. 

That the State of Connecticut Exercised a full juris- 
diction over us for a great number of Years, and until 
the decree at Trenton, December 30, 1782. A Complete 
Civil and Military Establishment was erected Accord- 
ing to the Laws of said State of [ We have] Planted 
and organized and lived Protected and happy [ until 
the ] War put a stop to — We furnished the Conti- 
nental army with a number of Valible Officers and 
Soldiers, and left our Settlem't [weak and unguardjed 
against the attack of the savages and those of a [ sav- 
age njature. 

.[ ] our sufferings Were intolerable During the 

War- [ ] our strength fell a sacrifice to the [ 

Jclent [ ] fury [ ] our streets couvered 

with the b[lood] of the slain [ ] less multiplied 

our whole settlement laid Desolate [ ] in a Most 

Inhuman Manner through the Wilderness [ ] 



(38) 

Destitute and Naked [ ] Most pitifull and [ J 

[ ] licate feeling of humanity 

[ no] t willing to become burthensome to our 

friends and fellow [ ] orld and Having a [ ] 

Zeal for our Country's [ ] count all the Dangers 

[ ] surviving inhabitants [ ] settlem[ ] 

Yet notwithstanding the Depredations our numbers 
[ ] increasing to upwards of five thousand souls 

Extended our settlements as usual nearly the whole 
breadth of the 42 Degree on Each side of the aforesaid 
River. Though we Have Met with Repeated opposi- 
tion and sustained the loss of Much property by op- 
posing Claimants and have received no Recompense 
therefor. 

Our only Claim to the aforesaid Land originated from 
our Purchase Made of the natives under prior grants 
from the State of Connecticut antecedent to the Settle- 
ment of jurisdiction Territory s Together with our pos- 
sessions and occupancy. Previous to any other grant 
of said Land which we ever conceived constituted an 
indisputable Title 

The Change of Jurisdiction by the Court at Trenton 
is not Material to us provided we can live protected 
and happy, that our lives, liberties, reputations and 
property are duly secured to us beyond the Reach o^ 
the overbearing [ ] and designing; that we can 

peaceably enjoy our property and the blessings of civil 
government on constitutional principles; but we were 
Never apprehensive that the change of government 
could by any means be construed or understood to Ef- 
fect our possession of property, the authority Aforesaid 
[ ] and Cha[ ] as full and [ ] Custom 



(34) 

or Usage [ ] that all Judicial Proceedings [ ] 

hold at said Westmorela [ ] said [ ] lyed and 

confe[ ] 

aforesaid to your Honor [ ] Earnestly hope you 

will gra[ ] your Petitioners, and to th[ ] 

lent State and w[ ] People under your Constitu- 

tion [ ] grant us Relief as you [ ] 

th[ _] 

We as in Duty bound will ever [pray.] 

(Signed) Jno F[ranklin.] 

Jno Jen [kins.] 



DEPOSITION OF PARSHALL TERRY. 



[The following deposition confirms the statements 
made in the " Memorial " of John Franklin and John 
Jenkins. It is, says the Rev. David Craft, "one of the 
most important and valuable papers relating to the 
rirst settlement of the New England people in the Val- 
ley of Wyoming. Mr. Terry was one of tlie earliest 
settlers there, was in Forty Fort at the time of the bat- 
tle, remained there for several days afterwards, when, 
finding the Indians had destroyed every means of sub- 
sistence, was compelled with the few others who had 
determined to hold possession with him at Wyoming, 
to return eastward.] 

Parshall Terry being duly sworn, says that in the 
year 1762, he being then an inhabitant of Goshen, in 
the State, (then Province,) of New York, also being a 



(35) 



proprietor in the Connecticut Susquehannah Purchase, 
that being informed that the company of proprietors 
had granted two townships, ten miles square each, as a 
gratuity to the first 200 settlers, (then being proprietors,) 
or in proportion to a less number, conditioned that said 
settlers go on and hold possession for the company for 
the term of five years. 

That as near as he can recollect, some time about 
the last of August* of the same year, the deponent with 
ninety-three others, mostly from Connecticut, went on 
to Wyoming, that they carried and took with them 
horses and farming utensils for the purpose of carrying 
on business in the line of ftirming, that he well recol- 
lects the names of a number who went on in company 
with him whose names are as follows: 



John Jenkins, 
William Buck, 
Oliver Smith, 
Abel Pierce, 
Obadiah Gore, 
Daniel Gore, 
Isaac Underwood, 
Isaac Bennett, 
James Atherton, 
Ebenezer Searles, 
Ephm. Taylor, 
Ephraim Tayler, Jr., 
John Dorrance, 
Timoth}' Smith, 
Jonathan Slocum, 
Benjamin Follett, 
Nathan Hurlburt, 



Timothy Hollister, Jr. 
Isaac Hollister, 
Thomas Marsh, 
Matthew Smith, 
Benjamin Davis, 
George Minor, 
Nath'l Hollister, 
John Smith, 
Eiiphalet Stevens, 
William Stevens, 
Ephraim Seely, 
David Honeywell, 
Jonathan Weeks, 
Jonathan Weeks, Jr., 
Philip Weeks, 
Uriah Stevens, 
Gideon Lawrence, 



(36) 

Samuel Richards, Silas Parke, 
Stephen Gardner, Moses Kimball, 
Augustus Hunt, Nath'l Terry, 
John Comstock, Wright Smith, 
Oliver Jewell, Nath'l Chapman, 
Ezra Dean, Benjamin Shoemaker, 
Daniel Larence, Simeon Draper, 
Ezekiel Pierce, Daniel Baldwin, 
Elkanah Fuller, David Marvin, 
Benj'n Ashley, Timothy Hollister, 
Stephen Lee, and the Rev. Wm. Marsh, 
Hover, a Baptist preacher. 

The deponent saith that on their arrival at Wyoming 
they encamped at the mouth of Mill Creek, on the 
bank of the Susquehannah, where they built several 
huts for shelter, that they went on and cut grass and 
made hay on Jacob's Plains, that they were shortly 
joined by many others, that their whole company on 
the ground were one hundred and forty and upwards, 
that they continued on the ground according to his 
best recollection about ten days, that the season being 
far advanced, and finding that it would be dificult to 
procure provisions at so great a distance from any in- 
habited country, the committee of the settlers, viz : 
John Jenkins, John Smith, and Stephen Gardner, 
thought proper and advised to return, which was 
agreed to, and the greatest part of the company with- 
drew, the deponent being one, that a small number 
were left on the ground who tarried some time longer, 
as the deponent understood. 

The deponent says, at the time they arrived at Wy- 
oming there were not any inhabitants in that country 



(37) 

to his knowledge, except one Teedyuscung, an Indian 
chief, and a number of Indian families, that the de- 
ponent did not discover any appearance of any im- 
provement being made by white people previous to the 
deponent and the company aforesaid going on to the 
land. 

The deponent further saith, that at the time they 
withdrew they secured their farming utensils on the 
ground to be ready for use the spring following, as 
they expected to return at that time. He also said 
that early in the month of May, as near as he can 
recollect, in the year 1763, the deponent, with a small 
number of others, went on to Wyoming to renew 
their possessions, that they were soon joined by a large 
number, being mostly those who had been on the pre- 
ceding year, that they took on with them horses, oxen, 
cows, and farming utensils, that they proceeded to 
plowing, planting corn, and sowing grain of various 
kinds, building houses and all kinds of farming busi- 
iness, that they made large improvements in Wilkes- 
Barre, Kingston, Plymouth, and Hanover, as they are 
now called, that they improved several hundred acres 
of land with corn and other grain, and procured a 
large quantity of hay. They carried on their business 
unmolested until some time in the month of October ; 
that during their residence in Wyoming this season, 
according to his best recollection, there were about 150 
settlers who made improvements, though not so great 
a number were on the ground at any one time ; that he 
also recollects lands being laid out and lotted on the 
Susquehannah River the same year, and that he, the 
deponent, drew a lot at that time in Wilkes-Barre, as 
it is now called. 



(38) 

That on the 15th day of October, the settlers being 
in a scattered situation on their respective farms, they 
were attacked by the savages on surprise, in every part 
of the settlement, and all at or near the same time, 
that near twenty of the settlers were killed, the others 
taken or dispersed, the ^'hole property of the settlers 
then on the ground fell into the enemy's hands. The 
deponent recollects the names of several that were 
killed, viz : The Rev. William Marsh, Thomas Marsh, 
Timothy Hollister, Timoth}^ Hollister, jr., Nathaniel 
Hollister, Samuel Richards, Nathaniel Terry, Wright 
Smith, Daniel Baldwin and his wife, Jesse Wiggins 
and a woman by the name of Zuriah Whitney. The 
deponent also recollects that Isaac Hollister, one Mr. 
Shephard and a son of Daniel Baldwin were taken 
prisoners as he understood. Several others were killed 
whose names he does not recollect. 



A BRIEF NARRATION 



OF THE 



CAPTIVITY OF ISAAC HOLLISTER 



WHO WAS TAKEN BY THE INDIANS, 
ANNO DOMINI, 1763. 



WRITTEN BY HIMSELF. 



Printed and sold at the Printing-OfEce in 

NEW- LONDON. 

[1767.] 



ll-lotf-i 



A BRIEF NARRATION &c. 



On the 15th day of October 1763, as I was at work 
with my father, on the banks of the Susquehannah, 
the Indians, to the number of 135, came upon us and 
killed my father on the spot. My brother Timothy, 
who was at work about half a mile distant, underwent 
the same fate ; as did likewise 14 or 15 others, who 
were at work in different places. 

The Indians, after they had burnt and destroyed all 
they could, marched off, and carried me up the Sus- 
quehannah river 150 miles, to a town called by them 
Wethououngque; and when we had arrived there, they 
tied me with a rope about my neck, and an Indian was 
ordered to lead me, while others beat me with their 
fists. This they continued to do until I ran about a 
quarter of a mile. When I arrived at one of their 
huts, they tied me to one of the spars of the hut, where 
I remained all that night. The next day they let me 
loose., but would not let me go out of their sight. 

Here I tarried about three months, in which time I 
underwent many hardships, and had like to have fam- 
ished with hunger and cold, having nothing to cover 
me but an old coat and an old blanket, which was al- 
most worn out. My employment was to fetch wood 
every day upon my back half a mile, which made me 
almost weary of my life. At this place was brought a 
young Dutchman, who was taken at the same time and 
place that I was; and when we had convenient oppor- 
tunity, we laid our heads together to contrive an escape ; 



(42) 

to this end we stole everything we could without being 
discovered, and hid it in the hollow of an old log. 

It was about the latter end of March, as near as I 
could judge (for it rained successively three or four 
days, which melted away all the snow and brake up 
the river) when we had got together about 40 ears of 
corn, and six cakes of bread each, about the bigness of 
an hand. The Putchman tho't it now time for us to 
endeavor to make our escape, but I was very averse to 
his proposal, telling him that it would be better for us 
to wait till the Spring was farther advanced, and the 
weather grew a little more warm; that we might en- 
dure the severity of the nights when we should have 
nothing but the cold ground to rest our limbs on, and 
the heavens to cover our almost uncovered bodies ; but 
he was so stiffly bent in his opinion of going off the 
first opportunity, that I was obliged to come into his 
measures. The next day at noon we were sent after 
wood at the usual place, when instead of returning 
back, we set out with a design to reach the nearest 
English settlement we could. We ran all the after- 
noon until evening, when we made a stop and built a 
fire, where we remained during the night. Early next 
morning we set out again, but had not gone far before 
the cold proved so severe that it froze the ends of my 
toes, and my mockasins being very thin and almost 
worn out, my toes wore off as fast as they froze. This 
so far disabled me that it was with great difficulty I 
could travel, yet we continued our way till about noon, 
wlien unable to go any farther, we stopped and made 
a fire, and after we had warmed and refreshed our- 
selves, we set out again, and about sun set we arrived 



(43) 

at a very thick swamp in which we were securely cov- 
ered by the prodigious thickness of the hemlock, with 
which the swamp abounded. We made a large fire,, 
and notwithstanding the fatigues of our march, and 
the pain that might be expected to arise from my toes, 
being froze, and being as we apprehended out of dan- 
ger of any enemy, we rested very comfortably all night. 
The next day very early we got on our way again ; but 
the weather was so cold that we were unable to proceed 
very far before we were obliged to make a halt, and to 
build a fire to keep us from freezing. We stayed in 
this place two days, when the weather began to mod- 
erate to such a degree that we could pursue our route- 
with less danger of being overcome with the severity 
of the season. Sometimes w^e travelled all day, at. 
other times but two or three hours in a day; sometimes^ 
w^e stayed two or three days in a place, altho' many 
times we had tolerably good weather. This remissness 
began to make me very uneasy. I used all the argu- 
ments I possibly could with my companion to persuade 
him to expedite our escape, but all to no purpose. 
Sometimes I got hold of his hand, with a view to force- 
him along, but nothing would move him. It looks to 
me very probable, had we made the best use of our 
shatter'd limbs, we might have reached some English 
fort or settlement before his death. In this dismal 
condition I knew not what to do — leave him I could 
not, for we had but one hatchet, and the nights still, 
pretty cold, so that we could not endure them without 
a fire. Thus we mov'd on slowly for several days, un- 
til all our provision were spent: By this time we had 
arrived at a small creek which extends its course about. 
S. E. and empties itself into the Susquehannah. 



(44) 

We had not gone far down this creek before we 
stopt, and built a fire, and sat down, but were soon 
surprised at the appearance of an Indian, who came 
very near before we discovered each other. He no 
sooner saw us than he turn'd short about, and ran 
down by the creek ; and as soon as he was out of sight, 
we made all the haste we could to a hill that lay a 
little before us, on the south side of which the snow 
was all gone and the ground dry, by which means we 
made our escape. The Indian soon alarmed his com- 
panions who lay at a little distance and pursued us, 
but the ground being so hard and dry it was impossi- 
ble for them to track us, which made them soon give 
over pursuing. After tarrying on this hill two days, 
we proceeded on our way, but had nothing to eat but 
the bark of trees, on which alone we lived 10 days, 
without eating anything else. The fourth day after 
we left this hill we began to grow weary and faint, but 
the fear of an enemy banished all hunger from us. We 
continued travelling until the seventh day, when we 
stopped again, when my companion, as I suppose was 
overcome with fasting (the' he never complained) and 
began to be unable to help himself. I nursed him as 
well as I could. The second day he made an attempt 
to go to a spring at a small distance, but was so weak 
he fell down several times before he could get there, 
and it was wnth difficulty he got back again ; after this 
he never was able to walk any more. I know not 
whether he apprehended his end to be so near, but the 
third night he died. The afternoon before his death 
he said but few words, tho' I often tried to discourse 
with him. In the evening he told me, that if I died 



• (45) 

first, he would not have me afraid to eat of his fleshy 
for I am determin'd, says he, to eat of yours, if you 
should die before me. 

And now I was left all alone, stript of every comfort 
of life, and knew not which way to turn myself. I 
thought the absolute necessity I was in, would excuse 
my pursuing the advice he gave me, of eating his flesh 
as soon as dead : I went immediately about performing 
the disagreeable operation, and cut off 5 or 6 pounds 
of his legs and thighs : — I left the rest and made the 
best way I, could down the creek. I had not travelled 
but four days before I arrived at an Indian town, where 
I was soon discovered ; and being taken up by them, 
they convej^ed me to one of their huts. 

They demanded of me from whence I came? and 
after I had answered their demands, they gave me 
some parched corn to eat. 

The next day all the Indians left their habitations^ 
and carried me directly back to the place from whence 
I had made my escape. 

My old masters being so vexed at my leaving them, 
that they were resolutely bent to have me burnt : But 
a council being called upon the occasion, they thought 
death too severe a punishment, considering I was but 
young, and concluded that I should not have attempt- 
ed an escape, had not the Dutchman enticed me away. 
Therefore they contented themselves with ordering me 
to be whipt on the naked body. 

Accordingly, next day I was brought forth, strip'd 
stark naked, and ordered to run ; while the Indians, 
who were ranged in a row, at certain distances, in a 
most cruel and barbarous manner, belaboured me with 



(40) 

their whips, — by which they sometimes laid me level 
with the ground, by their l)lows. — Thus they continued 
to lash me, until I had run about 40 rods, when I 
Teceived a prodigious blow from one of them, which 
.settled me to the ground as quick as if I had been shot 
through the heart. I was so stunned by the blow, that 
it seems I should never have recovered again, had not 
an old squaw run immediately to my relief, and help- 
ed me into her hut. By this time my whole body was 
covered with gore and blood. 

I tarried here after this about 14 days, and then they 
.sent me up to the Senecas about 150 miles off. I lived 
here one year, in which time I suffered almost insur- 
mountable hardships : being sometimes almost famished 
to death with hunger, at other times greatl}^ suffering 
from the cold, and some times nearly perishing with 
both. For the most part of the time we had nothing 
but ground nuts and herbs to subsist upon in the sum- 
mer, and red plums in the winter. Several of the In- 
dians actually starved to death. 

From this place they carried me to Alaganey, a 
branch of the River Ohio, and from *Alaganey down 
the river to the place where it emptied itself into the 
Ohio. After staying here about a month, they carried 
Tne down the Ohio three hundred miles. Here I found 
my Indian father and mother, and was very kindly 
received by them, and all the other Indians. They 
supplied me with a good blanket and other necessary 
<;loathing, and provisions in great plent3\ 

And now the happy time began to draw near, when 
I should be released, for after I had been in this place 

*Alaganey is the name of a place upon the river of the same name. 



(47) 

three or four months, to my great joy an Indian came 
from Sir William Johnson, with orders that all the 
prisoners should be released. 

And after they had stripped me of almost every- 
thing I had about me, I was conducted by my guide 
to Fort Du-Quesne, where I was delivered up to the 
commanding officer, and cloathing was ordered for me. 

But having undergone so man}'- hardships during 
my stay among the savages, I looked like a mere 
skeleton. I remained here about eleven months ; at 
the end of which I was sent to Philadelphia, where I 
tarried about three months ; from thence I w^ent to 
New London, where I arrived the 14th day of April, 
1767, to the great joy of my mother, brothers, and 
sisters ; Being absent three years and six months. 

I would take this opportunity to return my most 
unfeigned thanks to all those gentlemen and ladies 
who were so generous as to contribute a considerable 
sum of money on my behalf. 



GLIMPSES OF THE HISTORY 



OLD PAXTANG CHURCH 



An Address Delivered at the 150th Anni- 
versary OF THE Laying the Corner- 
stone OF THE Present Church, 



WILLIAM HENRY EGLE, M. D. 



HARRISBURG, PA. 

UAUttlSBUBQ PUBI.ISHINO COMPANY. 
1890. 



(/^ {bfg3 



r3 



i- 



Jl pastors of paxtang. 



1726-1732. Rev. James Anderson. 
1732-1736. Rev. William Bertram. 
1738-1792. Rev. John Elder. 
1793-1796. Rev. Nathaniel R. Snowden. 
1799-1801. Rev. Joshua Williams. 
1807-1843. Rev. James R. Sharon. 
1845-1847. Rev. John M. Boggs. 
1850-1874. Rev. Andrew D. Mitchell. 
1875-1878. Rev. William W. Downey. 
1878-1887. Rev. William A. West. (Supply.) 
1887- Rev. Albert B. Williamson, (the present 

pastor.) 



GLIMPSES OF THE HISTORY OF OLD 
PAXTANG CHURCH. 



Before I proceed to deliver these glimpses of the 
history of this ancient congregation, permit me to en- 
ter my protest against the orthography of the name on 
the printed invitation and programme. The corrup- 
tion of the name Paxtang should not be continued. It 
is a clerical mistake in more senses than one. If others 
have committed the error, why shall we perpetuate it. 
Give us the good old Indian name, Paxtang, and not 
the English surname, Paxton — however much we may 
admire some who bear that patronymic. 

Friends of Paxtang: It is well "to remember the 
days of old" — to call to mind the history of a people 
such as we have been summoned to do this bright au- 
tumnal noon, within the shadows of an edifice made 
memorable by age, and by the sacred associations 
which cluster around it. We do not come to celebrate 
misty traditions which have floated down to us on the 
stream of time, but the real achievements of pioneers in 
American religious and civil history. For one hundred 
and fifty years has prayer been made and praise been 
offered in this old stone meeting-house, and as thought 
goes out to the saintly men who ministered to the 



8 Paxtaxg Presbyterian Church. 

generations here, it seems as if some portion of the 
subtle essence of all the soul-longings for heavenly 
help and guidance which here has been breathed forth 
by righteous men and pious women during these many 
decades, has entered into the very fabric of this ancient 
church and thus sanctified it. Happy are that people 
who, having a noble history, treasure it ; and with this 
inspiration for mind and heart, we come to do rever- 
ence here. 

The first settlers in all this neighborhood, with but 
one excex)tion, came from the north of Ireland — the 
])rovince of Ulster. They have been termed the Scotch- 
Irish — Scotch planters on Irish soil. "They call us 
Scotch-Irish and other ill-mannered names," wrote 
good old Parson Elder, but that epithet of reproach 
has become the synonym of a people characteristic of 
all that is noble and grand in our American history. 
Recently published works, the authors of which are 
not worthy being named in this connection, have de- 
nounced the Scotch-Irish as a race, without reference 
to authority or facts. The reproach and opprobium 
thus cast upon the ancestors of the people who did so 
much for the improvement and prosperity of the Prov- 
ince of Pennsylvania, and for the defense of civil and 
religious liberty, as well as for the free institutions and 
the independence of the Republic, are at variance with 
all that is generally received as matter of historical 
truth. The accusations and reproaches, if unfounded, 



Paxtang Presbyterian Church. 9 

ought to be refuted, and the character of the men who 
deserved well of society and their country should be 
:yindicated. 

But so much has been said of the Scotch-Irish race, 
that at this time we will only incidently refer to that 
people. The " Planting of Ulster " with the Scotch settlers 
is an important epoch, in not only the history of Ireland, 
but in the establishment of Presbyterianism. Their 
life in that country was rendered as brief as it was 
memorable by the rapacity and greed of landlords, by 
the " test act," which deprived them from holding 
any public office, and by the petty annoyances of 
prelacy. Wonder we then, that, in the early part of the 
eighteenth centur}^, many of the counties of the north 
of Ireland were emptied of their Scotch inhabitants. 
Wearied out with exactions, ecclesiastical courts, and 
the deprivation of their civil rights, they came to 
America for a wider breathing space — that America 
which was opening wide its doors, and especially the 
Province of Pennsylvania, where there was less of the 
spirit of intolerance than in any of the colonies. Here 
they found a home — here all men were equal under the 
law. Is it surprising, therefore, that the Scotch-Irish 
should have prospered on this soil ? Our grand old 
Commonwealth owes much of what she is to-day by 
and through the settlement of that sturdy race — and 
I am not ashamed to say it — albeit I claim anotlier 
ancestry and another faith ; and like my friend, the 



10 Paxtang Presbyterian Church. 

Governor of the Commonwealth, am only Scotch- 
Irish through my children. But the historic facts 
are apparent to all who read. In the struggle for popu- 
lar rights, the Scotch-Irish are ever to be found on the 
side of the people ; and as we go on, we find that here, as 
elsewhere, in the period of great events, they rise up as 
leaders — characterized by boldness, energy, integrity, 
morality, and religious fervor, although at times with 
a bigoted and belligerent spirit. Can I say more ? 
Yes ! But we must proceed. 

The first Presbyterian ministers who preached here, 
were Gillespie, Evans, Boyd, and Anderson. The first 
named was born at Glasgow in 1683, and educated at 
the University there. He was licensed by the Presby- 
tery in 1712, came to America, and was ordained May 
28, 1713, having received a call from the people of 
White Clay Creek. Red Clay, Lower Brandy wine, and 
White Clay seem to have formed his charge for several 
years. He organized the congregation at the head of 
Christiana, which he served until his death in 1760. 
The Rev. Francis Alison, who knew him, called him 
" that pious saint of God." As early as 1715, Mr. Gil- 
lespie missionated as far as Paxtang. Tlie country was 
sparsely settled — possibly not more than five or six 
families north of the Swatara — but these, with the ex- 
ception of John Harris, an Indian trader, were Scotch- 
Irish Presbyterians. 

The Rev. David Evans, of Welsh birth, was ordained 



Paxtang Presbyterian Church. 11 

November 3, 1714, and became pastor of the Welsh 
tract, in New Castle county, Delaware. In 1719 he 
went into the Great Valley, Chester county, and in 
1720 regularly supplied the people of Tredyffrin, and 
was sent by the Presbytery to the Octorara,* forks of 
Brandywine, and Conestoga, extending his ministra- 
tions "to Donegal and beyond,^' to what subsequently be- 
came the bounds of Paxtang and Derry churches. 

Upon the appointment of Rev. Adam Boydf to the 
pastorate of Octorara — the far western bounds, "Done- 
gal and beyond," were confided to him. This was in 
1724, when a small log meeting-house had been pre- 
viously built not many feet south of the present stone 
building. Then the devout Anderson, of Donegal, fol- 
lowed and labored, as the tide of Presbyterianism 
rolled westward — and from this time onward, until the 
thunders of the Revolution reverberated along these 
valleys, the tramp and tread of the Scotch-Irish army 
continued. 

Prior to 1722, the following, with their families, 
were members of what was shortly after Paxtang con- 

* Samuel Evans, of Lancaster, says : "This was commonly called Mid- 
dle Ocloraro, it is in Bart township, Lancaster county, it was organized 
in 1726, and in October, 1727, the Rev. Adam Boyd was ordained 
pastor, and he gave the congregation one sixth of his time." 

tRev. Adam Boyd was born in 1692 at Ballymoney, Ireland, and 
emigrated to New England in 1723 as a probationer. In July, 1724, 
he was received under the care of New Castle Presbytery and sent to 
Octorara. He died November 23, 1768. 



12 Paxtang Presbyterian Church. 

gregation; Thomas Gardner, Samuel Means, David 
McClure, Thomas Kyle, James Roddy, Alexander 
Hutchinson, William Maybane, Robert Brown, Samuel 
Smith, Joseph Kelso, Sen., and Thomas Simpson. Flee- 
ing from civil oppression, in their new homes it is not 
suprising that these people hastened to manifest their 
thankfulness to God, and their sincerity and regard 
for their privileges under a government of free institu- 
tions, by erecting a " meeting-house," dedicated to His 
holy service. Around this log structure were the 
graves of the early pioneers, but these remained un- 
marked. Seventy years ago, it is stated on the best of 
authority, there was a rudely chiseled head-stone, with 
the date of departure, 1716 ; which simply proves that 
this revered spot was chosen for the worship of God at 
that early period. In gathering up the fragments of 
the history of Paxtang Church, it is to be regretted that 
the minutes of the Presbytery of Philadelphia from 
1717 to 1733 are declared lost; while the minutes of 
New Castle Presbytery from its organization in 1716 
to the constituting of Donegal are not to be found, al- 
though we have the assurance that they were in exist- 
ence in 1876. It is well to guard the early records of 
the Church, but why refuse examination of them to 
those making historic researches ? The truthful histo- 
rian knows full well what to use and what to omit, and 
if my Presbyterian friends will not allow those outside 
the pale of their ministry to go over the early records 



Paxtang Presbyterian Church. 13 

of the Presbyteries of Philadelphia, New Castle, and 
Donegal, they should place them in the hands of some 
faithful co-laborer who knows what to edit and what 
to let alone. In the histor}^ of institutions, as well as 
of individuals, there may be blots which ought to re- 
main so forever. 

By direction of New Castle Presbytery, the Rev. 
James Anderson,* in 1726, gave one fifth of his time to 
Paxtang, and in 1729, commenced to supply Derry 
regularly, one fifth being there allowed — leaving Don- 
egal but three fifths. 

On the 11th of October, 1732, the Presbytery of Don- 
egal was constituted out of a portion of the Presbytery 
of New Castle. The meeting was held at Donegal 
church. The ministers present were, Messrs. Anderson, 
Thomson, Boyd, Orr, and Bertram. Mr. Thomson was 
elected moderator, and Mr. Bertram clerk. The first 
item of business brought before the new Presbytery of 
Donegal was in relation to Paxtang and Derry. These 
churches having united in a call to the Rev. William 
Bertram, which had been placed in his hands at the 
last meeting of the then " old " New Castle Presbytery. 
George Renick and others of Paxtang and Derry ap- 
peared and required an answer thereto. Mr. Bertram 
accepted, and was installed November 15, 1732, at 

* For a full sketch of the Rev. James Anderson, and a record of his 
descendants, see " Pennsylvania Genealogies," under "Anderson of 
Donegal." 



14 Paxtang Presbyterian Church. 

Swatara, the original name of Derry Church. Thomas 
Forster, George Renick, William Cunningham, and 
Thomas Mayes were appointed for the Paxtang side, 
and Rowland Chambers, Hugh Black, Robert Camp- 
bell, John Wilson, William Wilson, James Quigley, 
William McCord, and John Sloan for the Derry side, 
to assist Mr. Bertram in congregational affairs until the 
erection of a formal session. 

At the meeting of Presbytery at Upper Octorara, 
September 6, 1733, " Mr. Bertram presented a list of 
men nominated by the congregations of Paxtang and 
Derry to be set apart for ruling elderr. Presbytery 
ordered that they be again published, and intimation 
given that if any objection be made against any of them, 
said objection be given in due time." 

The amount of subscription to Mr. Bertram's salary 
does not appear, but the congregation, in addition 
thereto, made over to him and his heirs their " right 
and title to the plantation commonly called ' The In- 
dian Town,' purchased from the Indians." 

Hitherto, and until 1736, Paxtang and Derry were 
considered simply as two branches of the same congre- 
gation ; this arrangement was unwieldly, and gave rise 
to various disputes and misunderstandings about finan- 
cial matters. They had fallen into arrears with Mr. 
Anderson, and were ordered no less than five times, at 
as many different meetings of Presbytery, "to pay up;" 
difficulty was experienced in getting all parts of the 



Paxtang Presbyterian Cpiurch. 15 

congregation to contribute their just dues towards the 
repairs of Mr. Bertram's house, and to defray the ex- 
penses of a law-suit about certain sawed plank or 
boards. These and other troubles of a like nature were 
a source of annoyance to both congregations, as well as 
to Mr. Bertram ; so much so that at Nottingham, October 
9, 1735, Mr. Bertram and his elders united in asking 
Presbyter}^ to appoint a committee " to go into and 
reason with the people of said congregations and inquire 
into their circumstances, as to their ability to be sepa- 
rated into two distinct bodies and support themselves, 
in order that Mr. Bertram, being eased of part of his 
burden, may be able to go on with more comfort in the 
discharge of his duty to whichever part of said people 
he shall be determined to continue with." 

A committee was appointed and reported to Presby- 
tery November 20, 1735. Accompanying their report 
they presented a supplication from the session asking 
for a division, and that their bounds might be fixed. 
At the same time, Lazarus Stewart prosecuted a suppli- 
cation from Manada Creek (Hanover) for a new erection. 
The subject of a separation between Paxtang and Derry 
was postponed from one Presbytery to another, until 
finally on the 2d of September, 1736, it was agreed to. 
So popular was Mr. Bertram with his people that both 
parties were anxious to secure his services, Paxtang 
engaging to pay for his yearly support sixty pounds, 
"one-half in money, the other half in hay, flax, linen 



16 Paxtang Presbyterian Church. 

yarn, or linen cloth, at market price." Derry prom- 
ised fifty-five pounds, to be paid in like manner. Mr. 
Bertram was perplexed, and asked for time to consider. 
Presbytery gave him to the next meeting of Synod, 
which took place on the 16th of September. Owing 
probabl}^ either to the location of his farm, or the ex- 
tent of the church glebe, he chose Derry, and Paxtang 
was declared vacant. From this date, until December 
22, 1738, the congregation was supplied by Messrs. 
Sankey, Alexander, Craven, and Elder. 

In 1729, the Synod passed "the adopting act," by 
which assent to the Westminster Confession of Faith 
was required by all members of the Synod, and of 
all candidates for admission to the Presbyteries. This 
confirmation of a principle had its opponents, and it 
is in connection with this, that we find, in the year 
1736, mention of this congregation in the confirmatory 
act or declaration which seems at least for the time to 
have produced general satisfaction. In the minutes for 
that year it is recorded, that, " An overture of the com- 
mittee, upon the supplication of the people of Paxtang 
and Derry, was brought in, and is as followeth: That 
the Synod do declare that inasmuch as we understand 
that many persons of our persuasion, both more lately 
and formally, have been offended with some expres- 
sions or distinctions in the first or preliminary act of 
our Synod for adopting the Westminster Confession 
and Catechism, etc.; that in order to remove said of- 



Paxtang Presbyterian Church. 17 

fense and all jealousies that have arisen or may arise 
in any other people's minds on occasion of said dis- 
tinctions and expressions, the Synod doth declare, that 
the Synod have adopted and still do adhere to the 
Westminster Confession, Catechisms, and Directory, 
without the least variation or alteration, and without 
any regard to said distinctions. And we do further 
declare this was our meaning and true intent in our 
first adopting the said Confession, as may particularly 
appear by our adopting act, which is as follows : ' All 
the ministers of the Synod now present [which were 
eighteen in number,] except one who declared himself 
not prepared, after proposing all the scruples that any 
of them had to make against any articles and expres- 
sions in the Confession of Faith and larger and shorter 
Catechisms of the assembly of divines at Westminster, 
have unanimously agreed in the solution of those 
scruples, and in declaring the said Confession and Cat- 
echisms, to be the Confession of their Faith, except 
only some clauses in the twentieth and twenty-third 
chapters, concerning which clauses, the Synod do 
unanimousl}' declare, that they do not receive those 
articles in any such sense as to suppose the civil magis- 
trate hath controlling power over Synods with respect 
to the exercise of their ministerial authority, or power 
to persecute any for their religion, or in any sense con- 
trary to the Protestant succession to the throne of Great 
Britain.' And we do hope and desire, that this, our 



18 Paxtang Presbyterian Church. 

synodical declaration and explanation may satisfy all 
our people as to our firm attaohment to our good old 
received doctrines contained in the said Confession, 
without the least variation or alteration, and that they 
will lay aside their jealousies, that have been entertained 
through occasion of the above hinted expressions and 
declarations as groundless. This overture approved 
nemine contradicente." 

On the 22d of December, 1738, the Rev. John Elder 
was ordained and installed the pastor of Paxtang 
congregation, (having served over a year as a supply,) 
at a salary of sixty pounds, and so for a period of fifty- 
five years went in and out before the people minister- 
ing to their spiritual wants. For that duration of time, 
(over half a century,) the history of this church and 
of its pastor is a part of the history of the Province 
of Pennsylvania, and in order to be brief, permit me 
simply to summarize the leading events. Some of 
these are of great moment, but not at this time and 
place will more than a passing glance or review be 
made. 

Within the church in common there transpired much 
also of interest. Although from the period referred to, 
(1738,) the growth was truly phenomenal — not only of 
Paxtang, but of Presbyterianism in general, yet the 
harmony of the governing bodies began to be inter- 
fered v/ith, owing to the fact that " its ministers were 
from different countries, where to some extent different 



Paxtang Presbyterian Church. 19 

modes of thinking on the same subjects prevailed. 
The points on which the difference of opinion chiefly 
developed itself, were the examination of candidates 
for the ministry on experimental religion, the strict ad- 
herence to Presbyterial order, and the amount of learn- 
ing to be required by those who sought ministerial of- 
fice. These subjects were discussed with great, and fre- 
quently with intemperate, zeal in the different Presby- 
teries." Two distinct parties were now formed. Those 
who were more zealous for orthodoxy — for the rigid 
observance of Presbyterial rule, and for a thoroughly 
educated ministry, were called the " Old Side," while 
those who were more tolerant of departures from ec- 
clesiastical order and less particular in respect to other 
qualifications for the ministry, provided they gave 
evidence of vital piety, were called the "New Side" or 
"New Lights." 

As might be expected, there was a growing necessity 
for the education of the ministry, and the result was 
the establishment of the College of New Jersey by the 
Synod of New York — first at Elizabeth town, in 1746 ; 
removed the following year to Newark ; and thence to 
Princeton, in 1757. The "Old Side" patronized the 
academies of New London and of Newark, in Delaware, 
under the Rev. Francis Alison and Rev. Alexander 
McDowell, and also the academy and college of Phila- 
delphia. The rivalry between these literary institutions 



20 Paxtang Presbyterian Church. 

served to render more intense the mutual hostility of 
the two parties. 

In 1739 the celebrated Whitefield paid his second 
visit to America. In connection with his labors, a great 
revival ensued, the friends of which in the Presbyterian 
church were chiefly with the "New Side," while the 
"Old Side," or strict Presbyterian, perceiving some 
really censurable irregularities in the active friends 
and promoters of the revival, pronounced the whole a 
delusion. This brought on the crisis. The controversy 
waxed more and more violent until 1741, when the 
church was rent into two parts, the "Old Side" consti- 
tuting the Synod of New York. 

Soon after Mr. Elder began his labors in Paxtang, it 
was found that the old log structure was insufficient, 
and steps were taken toward the erection of the present 
building. It stands about twenty feet back from the 
site of the original meeting-house, and was begun in 
the year 1740. It was several years before completion, 
and was occupied for a long time as a house of worship 
with neither floor nor pews; seats made of logs hewn 
on one side were used by all the people excepting the 
family of the pastor, who occupied a settee. The origi- 
nal meeting-house for many years was used as a retir- 
ing and session house by Mr. Elder, and late in life so 
deferential were the congregation to their revered min- 
ister, that on his passage from this building to the 



Paxtang Presbyterian Church. 21 

stone church, and upon retiring, all heads were un- 
covered and bowed. 

Although we stated on a former occasion that the 
Rev. Mr. Bertram remained pastor of Derry congrega- 
tion until his death, in 1746, we find, that owing to ill- 
health, he relinquished the care of that people, and in 
the latter part of 1745 the Rev. John Roan came to be 
its minister. It was not, however, until the year 1754 
that the dissensions between Old and New Sideism re- 
sulted in the division of the congregations at Paxtang 
and Derry ; although both Roan and Elder had pre- 
viously drawn the lines. The Rev. Mr. Elder and a 
large majority of his people adopting the " Old Side" 
views, remained in possession of the property. The 
" New Side" people of Derry, being in a majority at 
Derry, with their pastor, the Rev. John Roan, " held 
the fort" at that place. The " New Side" portion of 
Paxtang took sides with Roan, while the " Old Side" 
members of Derry clung to Elder. This full}^ explains 
the following call to the Rev. Mr. Elder, of the date of 
26th September, 1754, and signed by one hundred 
and twenty-eight communicants of Derry and Paxtang : 

"To the Reverend Mr. John Elder: 

"Sir — We, the inhabitants in the Township & Con- 
gregation of Paxtang & Derry, Being now Destitute of 
a settled Gospel minister amongst us ; Being also Deeply 
Sensible of the great loss & Disadvantage we & ours 
may sustain. In regard of our souls & spiritual Con- 




22 Paxtang Presbyterian Church. 

cerns by our living in such a Condition in this Wilder- 
ness ; & having had Sufficient Proof of, & being well 
pleased & satisfied with the ministerial abilities & 
qualifications of y'u, the Revd. Jno. Elder, Do unani- 
mously Invite and Call y'u to take the Pastoral Care 
& oversight of us, Promising all due subjection, sub- 
mission & obedience to the Doctrine, Discipline & 
Government & Ordinances Exercised & administered 
By y'u as our Pastor in the Lord. And that y'u may 
be the Better Enabled to attend upon y'r Pastoral & 
ministerial work amongst us, without Anxious and 
Distracting Cares about y'r worldly Concerns, We Do 
hereby Cheerfully Promise & Engage to take Care of 
y'r Support and maintenance for an Honourable & 
Creditable manner Suitable to & befitting y'r Honour- 
able Function & office as a Minister of the Gospel of 
Jesus Christ amongst us ; Knowing that the Lord hath 
ordained that they who Preach the Gospel should live 
by the Gospel."* 

In testimony of all w'hwe have hereunto Subscribed 
our Names This 26th of September, 1754. _ 

Thos. fforster. David Walker. 

Wm. Armstrong. Robert Chambers. 

John Harris. Moses Dicke3^ 

Thos. McArthur. William Stoe. 

James Wallace. Thomas Simpson. 

*This Call is in the possession of the Dauphin County Historical 
Society. 



Paxtang Presbyterian Church. 



23 



James Collier. 
Thomas Dougan. 
Henry McKinney. 
Andrew Stephen. 
John Bell. 
John Morrow. 
Henry Renick. 
John Johnson. 
Oliver Wyllie. 
Samuel Simpson. 
Thomas Renick. 
Patrick Montgomery, 
Richard Cavit. 
William Bell. 
Thomas King. 
Edward King. 
Robert Montgomery. 
John Wiggins, jr. 
James Gilchrist. 
James Mitcheltree. 
John Neal. 
W^illiam Hannah. 
John Carson. 
James Drummond. 
Samuel Hunter. 
Alex. Johnson. 
George Gillespy. 
Patrick Gillespy. 



David Patton. 
James Potts. 
Joseph Wilson. 
John McCormick. 
John Cavit. 
James Galbraith. 
Robert Wallace. 
John Harris. 
James Foster. 
James Freeland. 
Robert Armstrong. 
Hugh Wilson. 
James Wilson. 
Robert Chambers, jr. 
Arthur Chambers. 
William Reney. 
Robert McCallen. 
John Hutchison. 
Charles McClure. 
Hugh Black. " 
Robert Snodgrass. 
Thomas Black. . 
Jean Black. 
Wm. Laird. 
Matthew Laird. 
Elizabeth Park. 
William Harris. 
Robert Gilchris't. 



24 



Paxtang Presbyterian Church. 



John Gilchrist. 
William McAlevy. 
John Foster. 
David McClanochan. 
David Reany. 
John Craig. 
John Wyllie. 
Thomas Mays. 
Hugh Hays. 
Andrew Moore. 
David Foster. 
John Hays. 
Henry AValker. 
John Walker. 
John Walker. 
James Walker. 
Hugh Carothers. 
James Carothers. 
James Williamson. 
Samuel Galbraith. 
Hugh McKillip. 
Matthew Cowden. 
James Houston. 
James Tom. 
John Starling. 
Andrew Hannah. 
Peter Corbit. 
Wm. Kerr. 



Josepli Kerr. 
John Gray. 
William Wilson. 
Michael Whitley. ^ 
Thomas Alexander. 
Valentine Stern. 
Andrew Houston. 
Alex. Johnston. 
Samuel Stephenson. 
Thomas Rutherford. 
Mathias Taylor. 
Stephen Gamble. 
Alex'r Mahon. 
Chas. Clarke. 
Mary Mcllvain. 
James Harris. 
Samuel Shaw. 
Thomas Aikens. 
Th. Strean. 
Thomas McClalen. 
William Prison. 
John McClintock. 
James Davis. 
James Rodgers. 
Hugh Rodgers. 
Joe McNut. 
Widow Rodgers. 
Seth Rodffers. 



Paxtang Presbyterian Church. 25 

Joe Snoddy. David Jamison. 

Robert Harris. Robert Walker. 

Wm. Galbraith. 

The " New Side" people of Paxtang secured two acres 
of land about two miles east of this, and immediately 
erected thereon a rival church, at which, and that at 
Derry, Mr. Roan continued his labors until his death, 
in 1775. At the same time a new impetus was given 
to immigration southward and westward. When this 
stone building was erected in 1740, and for ten or 
fifteen years following, the church was crowded with 
devout worshipers. This locality was full of young 
people, active, intelligent, and enterprising. The re- 
ports, however, of unsettled lands, lying far distant, 
painted the south and w^est as being more beautiful in 
their solitariness than Paxtang had been, and the chil- 
dren of the Scotch-Irish settlers, like their ancestors, 
sought a new home in the lovely valleys beyond the 
Susquehanna, and among the rich lands of Virginia 
and the Carolinas. As a matter of course, coupled with 
the dissensions previously mentioned, the congrega- 
tions of Paxtang and Derry were seriously crippled. 
The minutes of Donegal Presbytery from September 
28, 1745, to June, 1747, and from October 9, 1750, to 
June 5, 1759, having been lost, while Mr. Elder's private 
papers, being also lost or inaccessible, it is somewhat 
difficult to trace the history of Paxtang during this 
period, probably the most trying one in its existence. 



26 Paxtang Presbyterian Church. 

Then followed the French and Indian war, when 
pastor and people were called upon to defend their 
homes against the blood-thirsty savage. Then it was 
that this house became not only a place of worship to 
Almighty God, but a retreat from the inroads of the 
marauding red man and a dwelling-place of mercy 
and a refuge from storm. " Many a family mourned 
for some of their number shot by the secret foe or car- 
ried away captive. Their rifles were carried with them 
to their work in the field and to the sanctuary. Mr. 
Elder placed his trusty piece beside him in the pulpit. 
Death often overtook his flock as they returned to their 
scattered plantations. In 175G the meeting-house was 
surrounded whilst he was preaching, but their spies 
having counted the rifles, the Indians retired from their 
ambuscade without making an attack." On another oc- 
casion, in the same year, they came for the purpose of 
attacking the worshipers in church, but by mistake 
they arrived on Monday instead of Sunday, and after 
waiting several days, finding they were discovered, left 
the settlement by way of Indiantown Gap, murdering 
a number of persons on the Swatara and carrying off" 
several prisoners 

In the winter of 1763-G4, transpired the " Paxtang 
Boys " affair — the wiping out of a nest of murder-ma- 
rauding Indians at Conestoga and Lancaster — and 
which created such a " hub-bub " in Quakerdom, that 
more pamphlets and broadsides were (tailed forth, than 



Paxtang Presbyterian Church. 27 

any one episode in Pennsylvania history. In this con- 
troversy, the pastor and people of Paxtang became in- 
volved. The story is a long but interesting one, and 
there is a " rod in pickle " for some recent historians 
who cannot distinguish between an arrant falsehood 
and the plain truth. 

On June 22, 17G4, at a meeting of Presbytery held 
at Derry, Mr. Elder and four other ministers declared 
their intention to cease from active membership in the 
judicatory. This decision was not acted upon by Synod 
until May 19, 1768, when they were joined to the 
Presbytery of Philadelphia, so that for about a pe- 
riod of four years Paxtang was not represented in any 
of the church courts. The trouble arose out of the old 
party feeling of the " Old " and " New Sides," which, 
notwithstanding the union, was still rampant in the 
Presbyteries. 

Shortly after came on the war of the Revolution, and 
the men of Paxtang, who had taken an early Resolve 
for Independence, went into the conflict with heart and 
soul — and from Boston and Quebec, down to the close 
of the struggle at Yorktown — they fought, bled, and 
died for Liberty. In all the wars which have rent the 
land, Paxtang was a nursery for heroes, and God grant 
that the generations coming on may ever emulate the 
patriotic spirit of their gallant ancestors. 

Upon the formation of Carlisle Presbytery, in 1786, 
Paxtang was joined thereto, and has remained in that 



28 Paxtang Presbyterian Church. 

connection ever since. After the death of Mr. Roan, 
October 2, 1775, Paxtang and Derry were again united 
solely under the charge of Mr. Elder. The congrega- 
tion at Harrisburg, formed April 12, 1787, was added 
to Mr. Elder's charge, as was also the New Side branch 
of Paxtang.* 

* The following papers are very important in this connection : 
On Thursday, April 12th, 1787, during the sessions of the Presbytery 
at Carlisle, a representation and petition of a number of the inhabitants 
of Harrisburj; and others in the township of Paxtang was laid before 
Presbytery and read. The said representation sets forth that these peo- 
ple desire to be considered as a Presbyterian Congregation, and to have 
supplies appointed them by the Presbytery ; and that in order to pro- 
mote peace and harmony between them and the Paxtang congregation, 
some proposals had been made to, and considered, though not accepted 
by that congregation, a copy of which was also laid before the Presby- 
tery. Mr. Elder also gave a representation of the state of the case as 
concerning these people and Paxtang congregation. The Presbytery, 
upon considering the case, agreed to propose the following articles to 
the consideration and acceptance of those people, which may have a 
tendency to preserve peace and union in that part of the Church : 

1. That Harrisburg shall be considered as the seat of a Presbyterian 
Church, and part of the charge of the Rev. John Elder, in which he is 
to preach one third of his time. 

2. That Mr. Elder's salary, promised by the congregation of Paxtang, 
shall be continued and paid by the congregation in common, who shall 
adhere to these two places of worship, viz : Paxtang and Harrisburg. 

3. That the congregation thus united may apply for, and obtain sup- 
plies as assistant to the labors of Mr. Elder, to be paid by the congre- 
gation in common. 

4. That when the congregation may judge it proper, they shall have 



Paxtang Presbyterian Church. 29 

On the 17th of July, 1792, the Rev. John Elder laid 
by the armor of this earthly life, and entered upon his 
eternal rest. Born in the city of Edinburgh, January 
26, 1706, he was educated at the University there, 

a right to choose and call a minister as a colleague with Mr. Elder, tO' 
officiate in rotation with him. 

*' Dr. Davidson and Mr. Waugh are appointed to attend at the church 
in Lower Paxtang, on tl.e last Tuesday in May next, to moderate and 
assist in the above matter." 

On the 19th of June, 1787, Dr. Davidson and Mr. Waugh reported ta 
Presbytery at Big Spring, that their appointment at Paxtang had been 
fulfilled, and that the following articles had been agreed to by Mr. 
Elder and his congregation, at Harrisburg : 

1. That the congregation shall have two stated places of public wor- 
ship, the one where the Kev. Mr. Elder now officiates, the other in 
Harrisburg. 

2. That the Rev. John Elder shall continue to have and receive dur- 
ing his life or incumbency, all the salary or stipends that he now enjoys, 
to be paid by his present subscribers, as he and they may agree, and 
continue his labors in Derry as usual. 

3. That for the present the congregation may apply to the Presbytery 
for supplies, which, when obtained, the expenses shall be defrayed by 
those who do not now belong to Mr. Elder's congregation, and such as 
may think proper to join with them ; and should such supplies be ap- 
pointed when Mr. Elder is to be in Paxtang, then he and the supply 
shall preach in rotation, the one in the country, and the other in town. 
But should Mr. Elder be in Derry, then the supplies shall officiate in 
town. 

4. That the congregation when able, or they think proper, may in- 
vite and settle any regular Presbyterian minister they or a majority of 
them may choose and can obtain, as a co-pastor with Mr. Elder, who 
shall officiate as to preaching in the manner specified in the third pro- 
posal. 



30 Paxtang Presbyterian Church. 

studied divinit}^ and in the year 1732 was licensed 
to preach the Gospel, although he did not come into 
the Presbytery of Donegal until October 5, 1737, and 
then as a licentiate from the Presbytery of New Castle. 
However that may be, he came to America following 
his father's family, in the year mentioned, and yet his 
only pastorate was that of Paxtang. He was a man 
whose whole life reads like a romance. I regard him 
as the most prominent figure in our early provincial 
history. He towered far above all men in the era in 
which he lived, and his name and fame will long en- 
dure. The heroes of New England are but pigmies 
compared with this giant. Whether we view him as a 
minister of tlie Gospel, as, a brave soldier, or in civil 
life — or 3^et as a thinker and a man of intellectual 
powers — his personality was extraordinary. There was 
something in his life which called forth an enthusiastic 
and passionate devotion — in a few words, he was a 
grand old man, an honor to the Church of Christ and 
to the race of men ! If this era does not take care of 
him, futurity will — for if any man was born a leader, 
it was the Rev. John Elder, of Paxtang. His descend- 
ants of four generations are with us to-day, to do 
reverence to the church of their fathers. 

Upon the death of Mr. Elder, Paxtang congregation, 
after hearing various candidates, finally united with the 
Derry and Harrisburg churches in a call to the Rev. 
Nathaniel R. Snowden, of Philadelphia, each agreeing 



Paxtang Presbyterian Church. 



31 



to pay him fifty pounds per annum.* He was installed 
pastor, October 2, 1703, but finding, in 1796, the labor 
of attending to three congregations too great for his 
bodily strength, he relinquished Paxtang and Derry, re- 
taining Harrisburg, which he served satisfactorily for 

*The following is a copy of the original subscription list — but it com- 
prises only the names of those present at the congregational meeting 
held on the 7th of March, 1793 : 

We the under subscribers do each of us promise to pay annually the 
sums annexed to our names, to the trustees of Paxtang congregation, 
or the collectors appointed by them, as a salary due to the Rev. Mr. 
Snowden, for the one-third part of his labors amongst us, and while he 
continues a regular preaching pastor in said congregation and we mem- 
bers of it. Given under our hands this seventh day of March, A. D. 

1793. 

<£. s. d. 

12 6 Jacob Awl, . . 

15 John Rutherford, 

15 William Smith, . 

15 James Cowden, 

15 Josiah Espy, . . 

2 Thomas McArthur, 

12 6 Barbara Walker, 

10 Mary Peacock, . 

8 4 James Cochran, 

117 6 John Wilson, Jr., 

15 Andrew Stephen, 

1 5 James Johnston, 
18 9 William Boyd, 
10 Adam Barbe, 

17 Alexander Mahargue, . 15 

1 5 William Kerr, .... 1 15 



James Caldwell, . 
John Means, . . . 
John Willson, . . 
William Calhoun, 
Richard Carson, . 
Jo.shua Elder, . . 
John Elder, Jr., . 
John Gilchrist, . . 
Alexander McCay, 
Thomas Forster, . 
William McRoberts, 
Richard Fulton, 
Thomas Brown, 
William Wanless, . 
Daniel Brunson, . 
Alexander Willson, 



£. 


s. 


d. 


. 2 


5 





. 1 


15 





. 1 


15 





. 1 


10 





. 1 


10 





. 1 


2 





.0 


7 


6 


. 


7 


6 


. 1 








. 1 


10 





. 


17 


6 


. 


16 


8 


. 


8 


4 


. 


10 






32 Paxtang Presbyterian Church. 

many years.* Mr. Snowden was a profound theologian, 
a faithful minister of the Gospel, and greatly beloved by 
his people. We are honored to-day by the presence of 

* Letter Sent to Presbytery in 1795. 

Paxtang, Odr. 5, 1795. 
" To the Revd. Presbytery of Carlisle about to convene at Marsh Creek 
in the County of York : 

" Whkreas, Mr. Snowden has signified to his congregation in Derry 
Township that he is no longer able to officiate in his Ministerial capacity 
to them on acct. of Inability of body, & that he purposes to apply to 
Presbytery for a Discharge from said congregation which we conceive, 
if he might be indulged in his Request, wou'd leave the congregation 
of Paxtang in a very distressing & Perilous Situation ; that the two con- 
gregations have lived for many years past in perfect peace, friendship 
and unanimity, and that we do not wish for a schism between us now ; 
that if the union is once broke there will be no probability of us being 
united again ; that if Mr. Snowden is rendered incapable of undergoing 
the fatigue of the three congregations in less than three years in the 
prime of life, by all probability he will not be able in a short time to 
attend to two congregations, and of consequence we shall be lefc with- 
out a pastor and the means of giving a call to another. We, therefore, 
pray to be considered as united with Derry, and that if Mr. Snowden 
should insist on being disunited from them, that Presbytery will appoint 
a committee of their body to enquire into the matter before anything 
decisive may take place ; and that the majority of this congregation' 
how much soever they may be attached to Mr. Snowden, wou'd rather 
he should leave us as he found u?. than submit to a dissolution of the 
union subsisting between us. 

" By order of a meeting of Paxtang congregation. 

"John Rutherford, 
" JosHtJA Elder." 



Paxtang Presbyterian Church. 33 

his distinguished grand-son, Major-General George R. 
Snowden, of Philadelphia. 

One of Paxtang's children, resident in the west, pres- 

SuppiacATiON Sent to Presbytery, 1796. 

" Paxtang, Jari'y, 1796. 
" To the Moderator of Carlisle Presbytery about to meet at Big Spring : 
" By order of the Committee of Presbytery which sat at Paxtang the 
3d of Nov'r last, the Congregation of Paxtang was notifyed the last 
Sunday but one which we had meeting that the sense of the Congrega- 
tion wou'd be taken on the next Sabbath whether we wou'd adhere to 
Harrisburg & break the Union with Derry, or whether we wou'd con- 
tinue the Union with Derry & break off with Harrisburg. Accordingly 
after sermon last Sunday the heads of families were desired to attend, 
and after the business was explained to them, we proceeded to take the 
votes of the People, & it appeared that a Majority of the Congregation 
was for continuing the Union with Derry and relinquishing Harris- 
burg ; they likewise chose the bearer Capt'n John Rutherford as their 
Commissioner to wait on Presbytery with this Remonstrance, praying 
that Presbytery wou'd grant us Supplies & dissolve the Congregation of 
Paxtang from their Obligations to Mr. Snowden & that he might discon- 
tinue his labors to them unless ordered to supply them as any other 
Gentleman. 



Supplication Sent to the Presbytery of Carlisle, 1796. 

"Paxtang, Sept. 3, 1796. 
*' The Reverend Presbytery of Carlisle : 

" Gentlemen, — Whereas we are now destitute of the Gospel Ordi- 
Dances being regularly administered to us, and what few supplies were 
alloted for us at the last Presbytery we fell short even of these on ac- 
count of the age and inability of one of the members appointed to sup- 
ply us ; We, the subscribers, in behalf of this Congregation who met for 
that purpose do most earnestly beg and entreat that Presbytery would 



34 Paxtang Presbyterian Church. 

ent here to-day, says of Mr. Snowden: "Those of Pax- 
tang congregation whose memories run back sixty 
years, will remember as an occasional visitor, this very 

be pleased to grant as many Supplies as they can with convenience ; 
we likewise wish that if there be any young or unsettled members be- 
longing to Presbytery these might be sent to us that we might have an 
opportunity of the Gospel once more regularly established and admin- 
istered in all the forms thereto belonging ; and your Supplicants as in 
duty bound shall ever pray." 



Appeal of the Paxtang Congregation to the Moderator. 

" Paxtang, Od. 1, 1797. 
" To the Moderator of the Reverend Presbytery of Carlisle : 

" Sir, — We again acknowledge our dependence and renew our request 
in praying Presbytery to give us such and as many supplies during tbe 
winter season as they can with convenience. The bearer, Mr. James 
Rutherford, is appointed our Commissioner to present this remonstrance 
to Presbytery and to answer such interrogatories as may be required of 
him. 

" Signed in behalf of Paxtang congregation by 

"Joshua Elder." 



Letter to the Moderator of Carlisle Presbytery, 1798. 

"Paxtang, Sept. 25, 1798. 
' ' To the Moderator of Carlisle Presbytery : 

" Sir, — The bearer, Edward Crouch, is our commissioner, appointed 
by the congregation of Paxtang to wait on the Reverend Presbytery of 
Carlisle with a call for the Reverend Joshua Williams for the one-third 
of his labors in union with Derry, whom we expect will apply for the 
remaining two-thirds ; likewise to solicit the Presbytery to gram us 
Supplies in the meantime. Signed in behalf and with the approbation 
of the congregation by Joshua Elder." 



Paxtang Presbyterian Church. 35 

worthy gentleman. In his sixties he looked hale and 
vigorous, grey eyes, iron grey hair, a full face, and 
weight one hundred and sixty pounds. The writer 
remembers his voice as strong and sonorous, and that 
he delivered his words with measured deliberation. He 
never failed to state to his auditors two facts. First. That 
Philadelphia was the place of his birth ; and secondly, 
that he had heard Independence bell ring on the 
morning of July 4, 1776." 

A call was then given to the Rev. Joshua Williams, 
who accepted the same, and he was ordained and in- 
stalled October 2, 1799, Derry to receive two thirds of 
his time and pay one hundred and twenty pounds, and 
Paxtang one third and pay sixty pounds. This pas- 
torate only lasted one year and eight months, ending 
on the 30th of June, 1801. Mr. Williams seemed to 
have had trouble collecting his stipends, for we find him 
complaining to Presbytery, in 1803, about his salary 
arrears. The moderator was directed to write to these 
churches and say, "that if these arrearages are not dis- 
charged before the next meeting of Presbytery, that 
body would be under the disagreeable necessity of with- 
holding from them that attention and regard which 
the}' pay to churches under their care." This did not 
have much effect, for we find them still unpaid in Sep- 
tember, 1805. A grand-son of his. Col. Joshua Williams, 
of the city of Minneapolis, has come to do reverence 
here to-day. 



S6 



Paxtang Presbyterian Church. 



On May 29, 1807, Mr. James R. Sharon was installed, 
looth congregations agreeing to pay the same salary as 
that promised to Mr. Williams. 

In 1808, the " meeting-house " and " retiring-house " 
were put in thorough repair.* The latter, built about 



*As a matter of interest to their descendants, now widely scattered, 


we give the names of those contributing thereto : 










£ 


s. 


d. 




£ 


s. 


d. 


Robert Elder, . . . 


. 3 


15 





Sarah Wilson, . . 


. 1 


2 


6 


■James Cowden, 


. 3 


15 





John Forster, . . 


. 1 


10 





Edward Crouch, . . 


. 3 


15 





Charles Chamberlain 


,.0 


15 





Elizabeth Gray, . . 


. 1 


2 


6 


John Ross, . . . 


. 


9 


4^ 


John Gray, .... 


1 


5 





Michael Simpson, 


. 1 


10 





-John Wiggins, . . . 


1 


17 


6 


Jean Carson, . . . 


. 


7 


6 


James Rutherford, . 


2 


5 





Joseph Burd, . . . 


2 


5 





Samuel Sherer, . . 


1 


17 


6 


Robert Gray, . . 


. 1 


10 





-John Gilchrist, . . . 


. 1 


10 





Thomas Walker, . 


. 


17 


6 


Samuel Rutherford, . 


1 


10 





William Caldhoon, 


. 1 








William Rutherford, 


. 1 


10 





John Rutherford, . 


. 


15 





Robert McClure, . . 


. 1 


10 





Michael Simpson, 


. 6 








John Richey, . . . 


. 1 


17 


6 


James Awl, . . . 


. . 


7 


6 


Thomas Smith, . . . 


2 


5 





Joseph Burd, . . 
David Patton, . . 


2 


5 





:Susanna Rutherford, 


. 


11 


3 


. 1 


2 


6 


Thomas Elder, . . . 


1 


10 





Robert Gray, . . 


. 1 


10 





John Carson, . . . 


. 


10 





Thomas Walker, . 


. 


17 


6 


.Josiah Espy, .... 


. 1 


10 





John Walker, . . 


. 


17 


6 


James Awl, .... 


. 1 


2 


6 


Jacob Richards, . 


. 1 


10 





■John Allison, . . . 


. 


17 


6 


Jean Wilson, . . 


. 1 


5 





James Cochran, . . 


. 


15 





Frederick Hatton, 


. 


11 


3 


Ann Stephen, . . . 


. 


15 





William Calhoon, . 


. 1 








John McCammon, . 


. 


15 





John Finney, . . ■ 


. 


10 





Mary Fulton, . . . 


. 1 


17 


6 


Joseph Wilson, . . 


. 1 


2 


6 



Paxtang Presbyterian Church. 



37 



the period of Mr. Elder's decease, was a small log build- 
ing near the church, used for meetings of session, and 
as a study by the pastor during the interval between 
the morning and afternoon service, and on week-days 
as a school-house. The " repairs " at this time consisted 
partly in the running up two board partitions, thereby 
creating a vestibule at each end, with the audience- 
room in the center. The partitions were of yellow pine, 
as was also the ceiling, which was placed in position at 
this time. The pews were left standing in the western 
vestibule, and were remaining within the memory of 
some of the present congregation. There was little 
uniformity in the Paxtang pews of that da}^, as each 
had been built by the family occupying it, and by their 
own architect. Two huge ten-plate stoves were placed 
in the long aisle, the smoke from which ascended 
through pipes to the loft, and made its escape as best it 
could through a small hole in the comb of the roof. 

Mr. Sharon was a man of eminent piety, and was 
greatly beloved by this people. His pastorate covered 
a period of almost thirty-six years, and ended only with 
his life, April 18, 1843. During these years the gospel 



Mary Rutherford, . . 


. 


7 


6 


William Whitely, . 


. 


12 


6 


William Larned, . . 


. 1 








David Stewart, . . 


. 


15 





James Stewart, . . . 


. 


15 





Thomas McCord, 


. 


15 





Joshua Elder, . . . 


. 3 








Elizabeth Wills, . 


. 1 


10 





Thomas Buffington, . 


. 


15 





Hugh Stephen, . . 


. 


15 





John Elder, . . . . 


. 1 


10 





John Rutherford, . 


.0 


15 






38 Paxtaxg Pkesbytkriax Church. 

of peace reigned, and little is left for the historian but 
to record the fact* 

My venerable friend, Dr. Hiram Rutherford, to whom 
I am much indebted for information relating to the 
"long ago," gives me these recollections of this devoted 
minister : " The tall, lank figure of Mr. Sharon was one 
of the fixtures and features of Paxtang, sixty years 
ago. His soft, white, delicate skin, blue eyes, dark 
hair, narrow chest — his soft, weak but clear voice, hack- 
ing cough, etc., marked him as one short for this world. 
Yet he was punctual in his duties, preached good, sen- 
sible sermons, attended all christenings, marriages, and 
funerals. With all odds against him, he lived his three 
score and ten, and at last was gathered to his fathers, 
ripe for the harvest, with eternal 'sunshine on his head.' 
His residence was in Derry, and he usually came up to 
Paxtang of a Saturday evening. In winter he wore a 
dark colored overcoat, with a moveable cape. His 
lower limbs were cased in velveteen (dark) overalls, or 
as then called, cherre-valles. Mounted on his chestnut 
sorrel horse, with riding whip in hand, and that hand 
and arm at an angle of forty-five, he moved over the 
road at a steady jog trot, mile after mile, a slender, 
gaunt figure, so unique, that he was recognizable as far 

*Mr. Sharon preserved a full record of his ministerial acts— marriages, 
baptisms, admissions, and dismissions— which is printed in the Ap- 
pendix to this volume. 



Paxtang Pkesbytehian Church. 39 

away as he could be seen. At recess he staid in the 
log stud}'- house, generally alone, and in his passage 
thence to the church, he always carried his spectacles 
in his hand, greeting but few as he passed, with eyes 
bent on the ground before him. Then the loud call of 
Mr. Jordan would be heard, ' Mr. Sharon has gone in.' 
I have heard my father speak of Mr. Elder's passage 
under similar circumstances from the study house to 
the church. Mr. Elder was an austere man. As he 
emerged from the log building he carried in his hand a 
book, with his fingers among the leaves, and his eyes 
fixed ten feet ahead of him. With measured, deliberate 
steps, he looked neither to the right or left, and greeted 
no one on the way." 

On October 1st, 1844, the Presbytery of Carlisle met 
at Paxtang. A call was placed in the hands of Rev. 
John M. Boggs, a licentiate of the Presbytery of Done- 
gal. Mr. Boggs accepted, but asked that his ordination 
be postponed until the spring meeting, in order that he 
might attend tlie Theological Seminary at Princeton 
during the winter. His request was granted, and he 
was ordained April 9, 1845, and installed soon after as 
pastor of Paxtang and Derry. His pastorate was un- 
eventful, and was dissolved oii October 6, 1847. 

The field was now vacant for a period of more than 
two years, during which time extensive alterations and 
repairs were made. The whole inside of the building 
was removed, the western door and the small window 



40 Paxtang Presbyterian Church. 

back of the pulpit walled up, new shingles placed upon 
the roof, and a floor laid throughout the entire building, 
the halls and ceiling plastered, the pulpit taken down 
from its perch on the north wall, and a new one placed 
at a much lower elevation against the western wall. 
New pews of modern style and uniform character were 
built, and the old pulpit, pews, and furniture, which 
had been in use since Mr. Elder's time, were sold at 
public auction. 

On September 28th, 1849, a call from Paxtang and 
Derry was placed in the hands of Rev. Andrew D. 
Mitchell, Paxtang promising three hundred dollars and 
Derry two hundred per annum. Mr. Mitchell accepted, 
and was ordained and installed April 10, 1850. Mr. 
Mitchell was a single man when he accepted these 
charges, but married a few years afterwards. Hitherto 
Paxtang had never needed a parsonage. Mr. Bertram 
lived near Derry on his farm ; while Mr. Elder and Mr. 
Sharon, who had occupied the field for a centur}^, were 
both practical agriculturalists and lived on their farms; 
and Mr. Boggs was unmarried. It now, however, be- 
came necessary to provide a house for Mr. Mitchell, and 
the present parsonage was erected, and was occupied by 
him during the remainder of his pastorate, which ended 
February 12, 1874. Near the close of Mr. Mitchell's 
pastorate the inside of the church was partly remodeled 
and arranged pretty much as it now stands. 

In November of the same year (1874) a call was made 



Paxtang Presbyterian Church. 41 

out for the Rev. William W. Downey by Paxtang, 
Derry having died out. Mr. Downey accepted, and 
was installed April 29, 1875. In 1878 this pastorate 
was dissolved, and the congregation for several years 
was acceptably supplied by the Rev. William A. West 
of Harrisburg. 

On the IGth of June, 1887, having previously accept- 
ed a call, the Rev. Albert B. Williamson, a graduate of 
Princeton Theological Seminary, was ordained, and 
continues in the pastorate. 

Intimately connected with Paxtang Church was the 
school which flourished from the earliest times down 
to the establishment of free schools in Dauphin county. 
It was never under the control of the church as an 
ecclesiastical body, but the same men who composed 
the congregation were the patrons of the school, and 
the building itself was the property of the congregation. 
It may therefore fairly be considered as an appendage of 
the church, and the old masters stood next in rank and 
dignit}^ to the clergyman. Here flourished such men 
as Francis Kerr, Joseph Allen, Benjamin White, James 
Couples, Francis D. Cummings, and others celebrated 
in their day and generation as educators, and from 
whose instructions went forth many young men after- 
wards distinguished in every walk of life. 

Originally the congregation owned a tract of twenty 
acres in the shape of a paralellogram, whose length was 
about three times its width. Nearly forty years ago a 



42 Paxtang PresbyteriAxV Church. 

portion of this tract was sold, leaving a square of six 
or eight acres, covered largely with forest-trees, among 
which are several giant oaks that were doubtless trees 
when Columbus landed on the shores of America. 
Near the center of the tract stands the church, the par- 
sonage occupies the southeast corner, and between the 
two lies the graveyard. In early times no distinct 
limits were set to the burying-ground, and the people 
buried their dead anywhere, according to their fancy, 
in the clearing to the south and southeast of the church. 
Graves were seldom marked, and a few years obliterated 
all trace of them. As families became y)ermanent and 
the number of these graves increased, more care was 
taken, tombstones began to be erected and lots fenced 
in. The want of uniformity, however, in these fences, 
and of regularity in the selection of lots, rendered the 
grounds very unsightl}^, as well as very difficult to 
keep clear of weeds and briers. This state of affairs 
existed until 1791-92, when the ground was inclosed 
by a stone wall, the greater portion of which is still 
standing. This wall does not by any means include 
all the graves of Paxtang. It did, however, surround 
all that were marked by tombstones or protected b}^ 
fences. In 1819 a new roof was placed upon the wall ; 
the contractor was Matthew Humes. The ground en- 
closed had ver}^ nearly all been buried over once, and 
some of it twice before the wall was erected. In course 
of time, therefore, it became impossible to dig a grave 



Paxtang Presbyterian Church. 43 

without disturbing tlie remains of several of the un- 
known and forgotten dead. The old south wall was 
(then) taken down, and during the summer of 1852 
the grounds were extended ninety feet, and the whole 
covered with wood, and so it stood until the summer of 
1882, when the wall was again repaired, and a new 
roof of wood placed thereon. 

This church building is the oldest house of Presby- 
terian worship in the entire State of Pennsylvania. It 
has seen the revolution of years carrying away the 
generations of men, their habitations and their churches. 
Although the benches and the desk speak of modern 
origin, yet the doors hang upon the solid posts in unison 
with the stone walls, and while as now the storms of a 
centur}' and a half have left their marks, give no signs 
of speedy decay. 

And now, my friends, after this summary of events 
transpiring in old Paxtang for one hundred and 
seventy years, let us go into yonder God's Acre, far older 
than the church itself. With our greatest American 
poet — Longfellow : 

"I like that ancient Saxon phrase, which calls 
The burial ground God's Acre I It is just ; 

It consecrates each grave within its walls, 

And breathes a benison o'er the sleeping dust." 

In my boyhood days there was over the entrance, on 
a semi-circular board these lines : 

"Persons entering this consecratf^d ground are en- 



44 Paxtang Presbyterian Church, 

treated not to walk or stand upon the graves or grave- 
stones — such to the living are sacred." 

Bearing this injunction in mind, we will simply look 
over the wall, for there is not a foot of ground where 
the dead lie not. To the left of the entrance and to- 
wards the north side are several generations of Elder ; 
to the east rest the remains of Parson Elder of blessed 
memory, — in the northwest corner his sons Colonels 
Joshua and Robert Elder, both men of mark in the 
Revolutionary era. East from this, not far from the 
center, rest the remains of John Harris, the founder of 
Harrisburg; and near by those of his son-in-law, Wil- 
liam Maclay, Senator from Pennsylvania in the First 
Congress of the United States. Close b}^ and around 
the latter are those of his sons-in-law, Dr. John Hall 
and William Wallace. A little to the south of Elder's 
grave rest the Montgomerys, one of the oldest families 
in Paxtang; and on a line with them and to the south 
are the remains of Andrew Stewart and his wife Mary 
Dinwiddle, sister of Governor Dinwiddle, of Virginia. 
They were the ancestors of the Reverend John Stew- 
art, who, notwithstanding his earl}^ teachings by his 
Covenanter father, accepted ordination at the hands of 
the Established Church, returned to America under the 
auspices of the Society for the Propagation of the Gos- 
pel in Foreign Parts, missionated among the Mohawks 
in the Valley of the Hudson, became a loyalist during 
the Revolution, and from him have descended several 



Paxtang Presbyterian Church. 45 

of the most prominent personages in Canadian history. 
p]ast of this line of graves is that of Thomas Ruther- 
ford, the ancestor of all the clan, many of whose de- 
scendants remain steadfast to the principles and wor- 
ship of old Paxtang Church — and one of whom, [Abner 
Rutherford, who died September 2, 1890, aged 76] the 
sturdiest oak of all, has recently fallen in the battle- 
storm of life; while farther east are the remains of 
William Brown, to whom the United Presbyterians are 
indebted for bringing to this country those staid old 
Covenanters Dobbins and Lind. Between these are 
the remains of Captain Crouch, Captain Cowden, and 
a little to the south those of Robert Gray, Captain Bris- 
ban, General Michael Simpson, and other heroes of the 
Revolution who fought and bled in defense of liberty. 
Eight generations lie in that myrtle-covered grave- 
yard, and yet they represent only a fraction of those 
who once worshiped in this place. The thousands 
who sought homes in the wide expanse of our glorious 
heritage, took deep inspiration here, and the influences 
for godliness which from this church have gone forth, 
will not be known until the Resurrection morn. This 
congregation may wander away, and this building pass 
into decay, but the teachings of the saintly men who 
have here gone in and out, will live on, forever', and 
forever! 





EBECTtD BY mr STATE Of 
PCNN3VLVANU 

IN mcmory or 

WILUAM DENNIHG 

THE WTBIonC BUCXSMITN II 

FORCER OF KKDUGHT IIKM UIWI 

OURIMG THE REVOUmOIUItr WM. 

SORN 1737 — DIED 1830. 







THE 

PRIVATE SOLDIER 



kWi OF Ti DECLARATION 



An Address Delivered at the Unveiling of the Monument 

Erected by the State of Pennsylvania to William 

Denning, the Soldier Blacksmith of the Revolu- 

LUTioN, at Newville, October 6, 1890, 



WILLIAM HENRY EGLE, M. D. 



HARRISBURG, PA. 

HARRIBBURG PUBLISHINQ COMPANY. 
1890. 



U^io'^xa 



THE BLACKSMITH OF THE REVOLUTION. 



Ladies and Gentlemen : We have come together 
this day to take part in paying respect to the memory 
of a war-veteran of the Revolution ; and it well 
becomes us to glance over the history of that struggle 
for Independence and learn somew^hat of the services 
of a private soldier of the Pennsylvania Line during 
that heroic contest from 1775 to 1783. 

When the issue became imminent, in none of the 
British colonies were the people more enthusiastic than 
those of the Province of Pennsylvania. The thunders 
of Lexington had scarcely ceased reverberating along 
the Blue mountains, (North and South,) when the 
pioneers of the wilderness — German and Scotch-Irish 
— gathered from hill-side and valley, resolved, "to do 
and dare," in defense of their homes. Equipped in 
backwoodsmen dress, with their trusty rifles, they were 
not long hesitating to march to the relief of the beleag- 
ured New England army at Boston, and although the 
distance and difficulties of travel were greater, they 
were the first troops west of the Connecticut river to 
reach the front. And it becomes us to consider who 
were these men, and what led them so promptly to 
respond to the call of their oppressed countrymen, and 
who, although differing from them in ancestry and in 
faith, yet whose wrongs were theirs and whose rights 
they held in common. They were men whose parents 
had fled from religious and civil persecution in the 
Old World, and who had imbibed through the mater- 
nal breasts, an intense hatred for oppression and 



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tyranny in whatsoever form they came. They were 
neither rebellious or revolutionary, but patriots through 
principle. They were not illiterate, but men of intel- 
ligence, these private soldiers, and I judge this from 
the fact, that upon the muster-rolls, and in receipts for 
depreciation pay, in existence, it is rarely that any 
one " made his mark," the name being written in 
English or German, as the case might be. They were 
also upright, liberty-loving, and God-fearing. They 
hated priest-craft and king-craft — and cherished the 
homes they made upon the confines of civilization, but 
when the cloud of injustice and intolerance lowered, 
they hurried away from the loved ones, leaving them, 
in numerous instances, to the mercy of the marauding 
Indian savage, to participate in the great up-rising 
against British tyranny. 

►Shall I rehear.se to you, the terrible march through 
the wildernesses of Maine and Canada to Quebec, in 
the early winter of 1775, where, under Arnold, then 
the gallant and brave, afterwards the despicable traitor, 
they suffered from hunger, and cold, and wounds, and 
imprisonment — man}^ of them dying far away from 
the endeared and endearing? 

Shall I repeat to you the pitiful story of Fort Wash- 
ington and Long Island, where against greater numbers 
and heavier guns, the red-coats swept down upon our 
poorly equipped patriots, yet with stout hearts those 
strong arms dealt disastrous strokes, and although 
suffering defeat, their defense of freedom's cause had 
a depressing effect upon the enemy, who suddenly re- 
alized the fact that they were fighting against men 
whose motives were just and purposes pure? 



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Shall the splendid victories at Trenton and Princeton 
be forgotten — where the men from Pennsylvania vied 
with the bravest of the brave — and by their splendid 
achievements wrote high upon the roll of fame, their 
deeds heroic — which down to remotest time, will tell 
of valor won, and how patriots fought, bled, and died 
for Independence? 

I shall be pardoned if I mention Saratoga and the 
surrender of Burgoyne, but it has been too frequently 
stated that Pennsylvania was absent upon that particu- 
lar occasion. Our troops were there, nevertheless, and 
under the gallant INIorgan, the superior riflemen from 
beyond the Susquehanna did very effective work. 
From Boston to Yorktown, on every well-fought battle- 
field, our good old ancestors took a part. 

Then again, those terrific struggles for mastery at 
Brandywine and Germantown — where the private 
soldier of the Pennsylvania Line, according to that 
you ag officer from France, whose name is so intimately 
interwoven with the history of our Revolutionary con- 
flict — the intrepid and noble Lafayette — "What might 
have turned a drawn battle into an ignominous and 
disasterous defeat, was averted by the gallantry of the 
Pennsylvania phalanx, to their honor and renown be 
it said." 

Shall I picture to you the cantonment at Valley 
Forge — and that rigorous winter of 1777-78, when the 
little band, chiefiy from Pennsylvania, bare-foot and 
half-clad, aye poorly fed, cheered the heart of their 
grand old commander — the great and good Washing- 
ton — by their vigilance, by their patient and uncon- 
plaining performance of the severest duties? Truly it 



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may be said, that uo otlier army ever existed, wliich, 
under the circumstances — a populous city in front, and 
a fruitful country to the rear — would have remained 
quiet and subordinate, as did the soldiers at Valley 
Forge. Ah ! the patriotism of those gallant men — their 
hardships and self-denials — have left a halo around 
the name of the American soldier which shall gleam 
the brighter as the ages roll on and on. I consider it 
as one of the richest legacies my paternal ancestor left 
me — to which I can point with rapturous pride — that 
he was a private soldier at Valley Forge ! 

What were the results of those self-denials — the vigi- 
lance and alertness of those brave men ? First their 
enthusiastic veneration for their commander, their con- 
fidence in him, and he in them — crushed out forever 
that feeling of jealousy — aye, disloyalty — among the 
officers who were clamorous for the displacement of 
Washington. Secondl}', They made possible the evacu- 
ation of Philadelphia by Howe's army of masterly in- 
activity, which was by ftir a greater blow to the enemy 
than any defeat b}^ arms save that perchance at York- 
town. 

Shall I refer to the pursuit of the British in 1778, 
when like the retreat through the Jerseys in 1776, by 
the Patriot Army, the Pennsylvania forces protected 
the rear, and now the advance — their excellent marks- 
men holding the enemy's cavalry at bay, while the 
army of Lord Howe kept moving on to safer quarters 
until they were obliged to make a stand at Monmouth, 
where, had it not been for the disobedience of an officer 
in command, the victory would probably have been 
with the Provincials? As it was, such a lesson was 



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taught them, that the Britisli never ventured to attack 
the latter upon open ground. 

And here while we allude to these martyr- 
patriots dyed with crimson — let us not forget, that 
there were two women, one at Fort Washington, and 
one at Monmouth, who emulated their husbands in 
heroism and patriotic valor. I refer to Margaret Cor- 
bin and Mary McCauley. These women accompanied 
their husbands to the army, as many others did. In 
those days, the washing and cooking were chiefly done 
b}'' women whose husbands were private soldiers in the 
war. Margaret Corbin was from the Cumberland Val- 
ley, and was with her husband who was in one of the 
companies attached to Col. Magaw's Battalion of the 
Line. It was she, who, before the surrender at Fort 
Washington, when her husband fell seriously wounded, 
took his place at the gun and fired the last shot at the 
enemy. Lossing, who confounds her with " Moll 
Pitcher," says what is not true of either. Margaret 
Corbin after her release went to W^estmoreland county, 
where she lived many years enjoying the respect of 
her neighbors and friends — the State of Pennsylvania 
acknowledging her valiant services in the Revolution, 
by granting her an annuity which enabled her to live 
comfortably in her declining years. 

As to the heroine of Monmouth, Molly McCauley, or 
" Moll Pitcher," as she was commonly called, the story 
of her life is so fully known to the people of this Valley 
that I shall only make brief reference. You have all 
heard how, when at the battle of Monmouth, her hus- 
band, John Hay, a bombardier in Procter's artillery, 
fell at his post, she dropped her bucket in which she 



(8) 

carried water to the men — hence the soubriquet " Moll 
Pitcher" — seized the rammer, avowing that she would 
fill his place and avenge his death. She performed the 
duty with such skill and courage, that it attracted the 
attention of all who saw her, and upon the morrow, 
when the little army was in a safe position, she was 
presented to Washington, who commended her for her 
bravery. Not only by Congress, but by her State was 
she provided for in her old age. Her remains rest in 
the quiet graveyard at Carlisle, but the heroic deeds 
performed by the simple-minded but lion-hearted 
" Moll Pitcher" will live, when the champions of other 
wars and other times shall have been forgotten. It is 
well to recall these historic facts, and I do it with the 
greater pleasure, because it gives me the opportunity 
to rescue their names from the reproach and obloquy 
cast upon them by the sensational and slip-shod his- 
torians of to-day. All honor to Margaret Corbin and 
Mary McCauley ! 

After eight years of severity and struggle, of self- 
denial and suffering, the conflict for freedom ended, — 
the victory at Yorktown virtually terminating the war 
on the part of the British soldiery. Peace brought 
with it the endearments of home, the enjoyment of con- 
stitutional liberty unequalled in the world's history, 
and the blessings of fruitful lands. And yet, the men 
whose lives had been exposed during that eventful era 
to all the vicissitudes of war, returned illy prepared to 
again encounter the trials and turmoils of business or 
labor. The greater portion were broken down in 
health — and others with maimed and torn limbs drag- 
ged themselves through the world homeless and friend- 



less, depending entirely upon the beggarly pittance of 
a mean pension, the best perchance the young govern- 
ment could afford — but far from being a reward for the 
services performed in accomplishing independence. It 
has been wondered why, that from the close of the Re- 
volution, for several decades, most of the inns and 
taverns were kept by the soldiers of that war. Then 
the keeping of an ordinary was considered an hon- 
orable employment, and, incapable of manual pursuits, 
this vocation suited them. It was there, too, that on 
Freedom's natal day these heroes annually gathered 
to recount the incidents of the war, and if they did 
occasionally get a little full of old rye in remembrance 
of " auld lang syne," we cannot blame them. They 
lived in another age, and in another atmosphere than 
we. Some of my lady friends may not like to hear it, 
but it is nevertheless true, that many of the Revolu- 
tionary ancestors of the present leading people kept a 
tavern in the olden time, and yet this is to their credit, 
not otherwise. 

I now come to speak of the events which to-day have 
called us together — for what purpose, and in whose 
honor. 

When hostilities began, with the exception of the 
trusted rifle of the pioneer, most of the arms were in 
possession of the troops and the civil officers of the 
crown of Great Britain. For a supply of small arms 
there was little difficulty in securing. Among the 
German inhabitants of Pennsylvania, there were many 
whose trade of gunsmith had been in the settlements a 
lucrative and busy occupation — and so when the de- 
mand came, these men by direction of the Congress 



(10) 

•established large manufactories at Allentown, Reading, 
Lebanon, Hummelstown, Middletown, Lancaster, and 
other points in Pennsylvania, while men qualified as 
artificers, were excused from other military service, 
and sent where their skilled labor was required. If, 
therefore, the Germans of Pennsylvania were tardy in 
enlisting for the war, they were industrious and inde- 
fatigable in the making of arms and ammunition — and 
unstinted in the furnishing of food and blankets to the 
Array of the Declaration. To them there is gratitude 
due — and we should not be slow in acknowledging it. 

Li the matter of large or field guns, the case was 
different. There were numerous furnaces and forges 
■of iron in the colonies, but few experiments had been 
made except with cast-iron — and these were dangerous 
from overcharging. At the outset, companies of artil- 
lery artificers were enlisted, and to them were commit- 
ted the forging of arms and the preparation of weapons 
for defense. Conspicuous among these was Col. Jedu- 
than Baldwin's regiment of the Continental Line. Of 
this command, the New Jersey company of Captain 
Jeremiah Bruen, was stationed at Mount Holly, that 
State, where iron-works had been established for years. 
In this company was William Denning, a blacksmith, 
yet a skilled mechanician, and whose worthy deeds in 
that war suggested the erection of this monument to 
his memory. Little is known of his histor}^ save that 
he volunteered early in the contest for liberty, and was 
at Mount Holly, until just prior to the occupation of 
Philadelphia by the British, when by order of the 
Congress all the artificers were ordered to Washington- 
burg, (afterwards the United States Barracks,) near 



(11) 

Carlisle, where their work was resumed Here William 
Denning was transferred to Captain Worsley Ernes'" 
company of the Pennsylvania Line, and in recognition 
of his services in connection therewith, was pensioned 
by the State and National Governments. A skilled 
workman he undoubtedly was, and cannon manufac- 
tured under his supervision were used not only during 
the Revolution, but in the War of 1812-14, although 
greater facilities enabled the making of better guns 
than those so rudely constructed during the years; 
1770 and 1777. It is more than probable that some of 
these were forged at Middlesex, Cumberland county,, 
this State, but the Mount Holly mentioned in all refer- 
ences, was undoubtedly Mount Holly, New Jersey. 
Be that as it may, William Denning, by his ingenuity 
and skill in iron-work, deserves this monument. His- 
is the record of a patriot, and an expert craftsman. 
He passed most of the days of his long life in this 
locality, and died here on the 19th of December, 1830, 
in his ninety-fourth year. Verily an extended life — 
but one of honor and usefulness. He saw the country, 
when much of it was an untrodden wilderness ; — He 
beheld the gleaming of the British guns, as the Cross- 
of St. George replaced the Lilies of France on our 
Western borders ; — he heard the roll of the drums 
which aroused the land to deeds of valor in freedom's 
cause ; — He witnessed the descent of the Dove of Peace 
upon a land disenthralled — redeemed — the home of a 
libert3'-loving and God-fearing people. And this pan- 
orama of the doings of nearly a century passed before 
him. Yonder granite monolith, surmounted by a 
representation of a wrought iron cannon, is the first 



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monument erected by any State of the Union to record 
the deeds of a private soldier of the Army of Independ- 
ence, and we are proud of the fact. 

I trust that what has been here done, will teach the 
youth of the State lessons of patriotism, that it will 
firmly instil into them the principles of constitutional 
liberty, and lead them to honor and venerate the 
achievements of the heroes of those dark and trying 
hours in our history as a people. If these but follow, 
then will this monument serve a nobler and a grander 
purpose than the mere marking the resting place of a 
soldier of the Revolution. 

William Denning was one of the founders of the Re- 
public, as were all the men who fought upon the side 
of Independence; just as much so as those who in the 
councils of the nation loomed up above their fellows — 
just as much so as those to whom monuments have 
been reared all over our country to perpetuate to futu- 
rity the virtues and bravery of an officer of the Revolu- 
tion — just as much so as the few whom historians have 
vaunted into fame and glory by disparaging the many 
who were good and true, loyal and patriotic. 

If there is any doctrine to be taught by the services 
of this day, it is this, that if our ancestors established 
this Republic through the baptism of blood, then 
ought we to perpetuate the Union, at whatever cost of 
life or property. God grant that the civil strife which 
scourged the land a quarter of a century ago may never 
find its counterpart in the ages following on. But, 
there is need of patriotic resolve, of vigilance, and 
Christian duty in every era ; and if this granite block 
means anything, it tells us of the untiring industry 



(13) 

which goes rewarded, of self-sacrifice to the call of 
one's fatherland which accomplishes the prosperity of 
nations and the success of peoples, and above all, that 
loyalty to country and to God is the supreme aim and 
object of every citizen. Let us not forget, as we turn 
away from the ceremonies of this hour, that valor and 
industry go hand in hand; and these characteristics 
entered largely in the make-up of him, whose remains 
rest in this charming God's acre — William Denning, 
the Soldier-Artificer of the Revolution ! 










m^. 



i 



